IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-S) 


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Photographic 

Sciences 

Corporation 


23  WEST  MAIN  STRIET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  I4SS0 

(716)  •72-4S03 


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CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHM/ICMH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Institute  for  Historical  Mlcroraproductions  Institut  Canadian  da  microraproductions  historiqutis 


1980 


Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notes/Notes  techniques  at  bibliographiques 


Tl 
to 


The  Institute  has  attempted  to  obtain  the  best 
original  copy  available  for  filming.  Features  of  this 
copy  which  may  be  bibliographlcally  unique, 
which  may  alter  any  of  the  Images  In  the 
reproduction,  or  which  may  significantly  change 
the  usual  method  of  filming,  are  checked  below. 


□    Coloured  covers/ 
Couverture  de  couleur 


□    Covers  damaged/ 
Cc 


D 


D 


D 
D 


D 


Couverture  endommag^e 


Covers  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Couverture  restaurie  et/ou  pelllcul6e 


Cover  title  missing/ 

Le  titre  de  couverture  manque 


I      I    Coloured  maps/ 


Cartes  giographiques  en  couleur 

Coloured  ink  (i.e.  other  than  blue  or  black)/ 
Encre  de  couleur  (i.e.  autre  que  bleue  ou  noire) 


I — I    Coloured  plates  and/or  illustrations/ 


D 


Planches  et/ou  illustrations  en  couleur 


Bound  with  other  material/ 
Reli6  avec  d'autres  documents 


Tight  binding  may  cause  shadows  or  distortion 
along  interior  margin/ 

La  reliure  serr^e  peut  causer  de  I'ombre  ou  de  la 
distortion  le  long  de  la  marge  int6rieure 

Blank  leaves  added  during  restoration  may 
appear  within  the  text.  Whenever  possible,  these 
have  been  omitted  from  filming/ 
II  se  peut  que  certaines  pages  blan     as  ajoutdes 
lors  d'une  restauration  apparaissent  dans  le  texte, 
mais,  lorsque  cela  6tait  possible,  ces  pages  n'ont 
pas  6t6  filmies. 

Additional  comments:/ 
Commentaires  suppl6mentalres; 


L'Instltut  a  microfilm*  le  meiileur  exemplaire 
qu'il  lui  a  4t6  possible  de  se  procurer.  Les  details 
de  cet  exemplaire  qui  sont  peut-Atre  uniques  du 
point  de  vue  bibilographlque,  qui  peuvent  modifier 
une  image  reproduite,  ou  qui  peuvent  exiger  une 
modification  dans  la  mithode  normale  de  filmage 
sont  IndlquAs  ci-dessous. 


□   Coloured  pages/ 
Pages  de  couleur 

n   Pages  damaged/ 
Pages  endommagies 

r^pf  Pages  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
I I   Pages  restauries  et/ou  pelllculdes 

I — yf  Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxed/ 
In/I   Pages  d6color6es,  tacheties  ou  piqu6es 

I      I    Pages  detached/ 


Tl 

P< 
o1 
fil 


O 

b< 
th 
si 
oi 
fil 
si 

01 


D 


Pages  d6tach6es 

Showthrough/ 
Transparence 

Quality  of  prir 

Qualiti  inigale  de  I'lmpressiorf 

Includes  supplementary  materii 
Comprend  du  materiel  supplimentaire 

Only  edition  available/ 
Seule  Edition  disponible 


I      I  Showthrough/ 

I      I  Quality  of  print  varies/ 

[~~]  Includes  supplementary  material/ 

I — I  Only  edition  available/ 


Tl 
sf 
Tl 
w 

M 
di 
er 
b« 

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m 


Pi?ges  wholly  or  partially  obscured  by  errata 
sli^s,  tissues,  etc.,  have  been  ref limed  to 
ensure  the  best  possible  image/ 
Les  pages  totalement  ou  partlellement 
obscurcles  per  un  feuillet  d'errata,  une  pelure, 
etc.,  ont  6t6  filmtes  A  nouveau  de  fapon  d 
obtenir  le  mellleure  image  possible. 


10X 


This  item  is  filmed  at  the  reduction  ratio  checked  below/ 

Ce  document  est  film*  au  taux  de  reduction  indlquA  cl-dessous. 


14X 


18X 


22X 


2BX 


30X 


s/ 


12X 


16X 


20X 


24X 


28X 


32X 


Ms 

lu 

iifier 

me 

age 


The  copy  filmed  here  has  been  reproduced  thanks 
to  the  generosity  of: 

Library  of  the  Public 
Archives  of  Canada 


The  Images  appearing  here  are  the  best  quality 
possible  considering  the  condition  and  legibility 
of  the  original  copy  and  In  iteeping  with  the 
filming  contract  specifications. 


Original  copies  in  printed  paper  covers  are  filmed 
beginning  with  the  front  cover  and  ending  on 
the  last  page  with  a  printed  or  Illustrated  impres- 
sion, or  the  bacic  cover  when  appropriate.  All 
other  original  copies  are  filmed  beginning  on  the 
first  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, and  ending  on  the  last  page  with  a  printed 
or  illustrated  impression. 


The  last  recorded  frame  on  each  microfiche 
shell  contain  the  symbol  ^^  (meaning  "CON- 
TilMUED"),  or  the  symbol  V  (meaning  "END"), 
whichever  applies. 


L'exemplaire  film*  fut  reprodult  grflce  it  la 
gAntrositA  de: 

La  bibliothdque  des  Archives 
publiques  du  Canada 

Les  images  suivantes  ont  At6  reproduites  avec  le 
plus  grand  soin,  compte  tenu  de  la  condition  et 
de  la  netteti  de  rexempiaire  film*,  et  en 
conformity  avec  les  conditions  du  contrat  de 
filmage. 

Les  exemplalres  orlglnaux  dont  la  couverture  en 
papier  est  ImprimAe  sont  filmte  en  commenpant 
par  le  premier  plat  et  en  termlnant  soit  par  la 
dernlAre  page  qui  comporte  une  emprelnte 
d'impression  ou  d'iliustration,  soit  par  le  second 
plat,  selon  le  cas.  Tous  les  autres  exemplalres 
orlglnaux  sont  filmte  en  commenpant  par  la 
premlAre  page  qui  comporte  une  emprelnte 
d'impression  ou  d'iliustration  et  en  termlnant  par 
la  dernlAre  patje  qui  comporte  une  telle 
emprelnte. 

Un  des  symboles  sulvants  apparattra  sur  la 
dernlAre  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  le 
cas:  le  symbols  — *>  signifie  "A  SUiVRE",  le 
symbols  V  signifie  "FIN". 


Maps,  plates,  charts,  etc.,  may  be  filmed  at 
different  reduction  ratios.  Those  too  large  to  be 
entirely  included  In  one  exposure  are  filmed 
beginning  in  the  upper  left  hand  corner,  left  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  frames  as 
required.  The  following  diagrams  illustrate  the 
method: 


Les  cartes,  planches,  tableaux,  etc.,  peuvent  Atre 
film6s  A  des  taux  de  rMuction  dIffArents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  Atre 
reprodult  en  un  seul  cllchA,  ii  'st  filmA  A  partir 
de  i'engle  supArieur  gauche,  de  gauche  A  droite, 
et  de  haut  en  bas,  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'Images  nAcessaire.  Les  diagrammes  sulvants 
illustrent  la  mAthode. 


rata 


lelure, 
A 


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32X 


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2 

3 

1 

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5 

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^■MM^iilkumm^^f*^ .r^^i^rtLt   ^M*^«»Mu■■^u.''^■fc..l^*t^.■«.».^,1..„.■  ,.^-   ,,    .  .1,,,;,,  |',.j.|n,f,„-)||;^;,,||,    .,  ,  ■,,, -|- ..■.., ,:.  .^   ■iriviiii»i^iii--ni.— Vin  i-n. 


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PARTICULAR  HISTORY 


or   TMB 


gxvt  f  aw  ^xmh  mA  §nA\m  ^»t 


New  England  and  Parts  Adjacent, 


ITS  DECLARATION  BY  THE  KINO  OF  FRANCE,  MARCH   I  5,   I744,  ^O  THE 
TREATY  WITH  THE  EASTERN  INDIANS^  OCT.    1 6,  1 749, 


somrnim  CALLED 


GOVERNOR  SHIRLEY'S  WAR. 

wrhi  ,4 

MEMOIR  OF  MAJOR-OENBRAL  SHIRLEY,  ACCOMPANIED  BY 
HIS  PORTRAIT  AND  OTHBR  ENGRAVINGS. 

By  SAMUEL  G.  DRAKE. 


ALBANY : 
JOEL  MUNSELL,  811  STATE  STREET. 

1870. 


^  ■<=*iftV¥r-,*»»tL.-*  ■ 


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l.«liMI|tfl.|l>ili|i|l|,ii 


nniMiiii  laniiiiii.i »!■■.*. 


**- "  II  ^   iwii  II  WiwiMiwiiiiilpiiKBtia  am, 


£ 

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Entered,  accor<ling  to  Aft  of  Congrew,  in  the  yew  1870, 
By  Samuel  Q.  Diakk, 
In  the  Qerk'.  Office  of  the  Dbtria  Court  of  the  United  States 
for  the  diitria  of  Mamchuietti. 


I  ,i.Mii|-|i*..Mi,TwaS>,V«.ii..> 


^..,;.u. .-  L'  '^Uk  w.agfmift'a 


.i'^^i;,v»i'":,-;farfaitela; 


TO   THI 
OFFICERS  AND  OTHER  OENTLEMEN, 

MUMBimS  OP  THB 

NEW    YORK    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY, 

WITH  WHOM  THE  AUTHO«   HAS  BBBN   A  COWORKBII  FOR   MANY  TSAKS,  AS  AN 

APPKBCIATION    OP    THBIK    OPT    AJID    KHPBATSD    BXPRBSSIONS    OF 

KNCOVRAGBMBNT  AND  APPROVAL  OP  HIS  LABORS, 

THIS  VOLUME, 

■MBRACING  MANY  OCCURKBNCBS  IN  THB  BORDRR  KIISTORV  OF  THBIH  STATS, 

IS 

MOST   RESPECTFULLY   DEDICATED 

•V  THBim 

ASSOCIATE. 


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U'M.iiJ.kJt.u 


Prtotg  of  tbe  gxtntih  mA  §nAkn  Ww. 


CHAPTER    I 


PRELIMINARY. 


P' 


|REVIOUS  to  the  separation  of  New 
from  Old  England,  what  were  since 
*'The  Provinces,"  that  part  of  the  con- 
tinent (from  the  mouth  of  the  St.  Law- 
rence to  the  Penobscot)  was  more  valued 
than  almost  any  other  part  of  North 
America.  It  was  thought,  both  here  and 
in  England,  that  Nova  Scotia  and  the 
circumjacent  lands  and  seas  could  not 
be  over  estimated.  But  after  the  separa- 
tion, New  England  took  but  little  interest 
in  that  part  of  the  world,  as  it  was  possessed  by  bitter  political 
enemies,  exiled  there  because  they  had  espoused  and  adhered  to 
the  cause  of  the  British  government.  Consequently  the  in- 
tercourse between  the  sedions  at  once  nearly  ceased.  Hence 
our  writers  make  small  account  of  the  history  of  the  Pro- 
vinces after  their  separation.  But  it  is  time  to  consider  that 
the  old  political  barrier  has  much  decayed,  and  that  in  no  great 
length  of  time  it  will  entirely  disappear  i   that  the  Provinces 


•^Pl^^p^ 


m^mmm 


I  ^111.'  I  wiwuiijiu,jaB»»i»w>r"— -*•■«« 


I  ■  <im(ii"i<»«^- 


l<  |ii.«i.«>l|lii|gilH 


6  Particular  History  of  the 

will  become  states,  part  and  parcel  of  the  great  Union  of 
States.  When  that  day  shall  arrive  the  particular  history  of 
the  early  events  of  all  that  section  will  be  sought  after  with  as 
much  zeal  as  any  other.  Those  Provinces  will  one  day 
become  populous  and  wealthy ;  the  great  ^^  tidal  wave  "  of  popu- 
lation now  setting  westward  with  such  vast  volume,  will  over- 
whelm the  prairies,  the  valleys  and  mountains,  till  they  can 
hold  no  more.  Then  the  tide  must  turn,  and  the  neglected 
coasts  of  Acadia,  Cape  Breton,  and  even  Newfoundland,  will 
be  crowded  with  inhabitants  in  their  turn. 

This  the  reader  may  look  upon  as  visionary,  and  too  far  in 
the  distant  future  to  be  taken  into  consideration  in  scanning  the 
hiitory  of  New  England;  yet,  with  a  convi(^ion  that  such  a 
result  is  sure,  the  writer  has  not  negledted  the  Provinces 
altogether  in  the  present  compilation. 

It  was  found  impra(^icable  to  attempt  a  connected  narrative 
of  the  body  of  the  work ;  our  objeft  being  a  detail  of  events 
in  the  order  of  time — the  events  themselves  having  no  con- 
nection— hence  that  part  of  the  work  is  denominated  a  Diary 
of  Depredations.  This  plan  has  been  chosen  as  best  calculated 
to  embody  the  greatest  amount  of  information  naturally  looked 
for  in  a  work  of  this  kind. 

In  former  ages  people  were  apparently  satisfied  with  general 
history,  and  that  of  a  kingdom  or  empire  usually  occupied  far 
less  space  than  that  of  a  small  town  in  the  present  age.  Even 
up  to  the  time  within  the  memory  of  the  writer,  little  else 
but  general  history  found  readers,  and  hence  the  age  of  par- 
ticular history  may  be  said  to  be  of  recent  origin.  The  a^s 
of  individuals  without  titles  seemed  to  have  been  considered 
of  no  interest,  while  those  of  kings  and  their  courtiers  were 
regarded  little  short  of  inspiration. 


i[^.)i£f!!'i2u(^j&i£U^.  - 


.  .'._.  ■.^.J1.^«<ll- 


French  and  Indian  War,  7 

The  great  body  of  the  people  all  over  the  world  were  igno- 
rant, and  hence  easily  made  to  believe  that  they  had  little  else 
to  do  but  to  obey  tyrannical  rulers,  and  laud  their  actions; 
but  a  change  has  been  going  on,  and  as  people  became  en- 
lightened they  naturally  inquired  of  v^hat  account  would  kings 
and  nobles  be  but  for  them — the  People?  Hence  follow  the 
other  enquiries — what  have  been  the  a£t8  of  individuals  in 
every  great  undertaking?  who  in  reality  have  deserved  the 
honor?  And  whether  their  privations  and  sufferings  are  not 
as  much  to  be  the  objects  of  regard  and  commemoration  as 
though  they  had  by  accident,  and  for  no  merit  of  their  own, 
been  invested  with  regal  honors? 

The  following  history  has  been  undertaken  specially  to  place 
upon  its  pages  as  many  of  the  names  of  those  who  participated 
in  the  war,  as  well  those  who  suffered  by  its  ravages,  as  those 
who  bore  arms  in  it.  Hence  the  work  has  been  entitled  a 
Particular  History.  And  while  we  regret  that  our  informa- 
tion is  not  so  full,  in  some  respects,  as  we  desire,  it  is  much 
further  in  advance,  in  the  great  obje<Sls  of  particulars  aimed 
at,  than  anything  hitherto  published  on  the  same  period..  Great 
pains  have  been  taken  to  find  out  the  names,  both  given  and 
acquired,  that  is,  christian  and  surnames  of  all  parties,  and 
generally  with  more  success  than  was  at  first  expelled.  Much 
time  has  been  spent  in  endeavors  to  make  the  work  as  per- 
fect in  this  respect  as  possible ;  because,  in  our  view  of  history, 
that  history  is  of  value  only  in  proportion  as  it  makes  promi- 
nent the  real  adtors  and  sufferers  in  such  history.  Of  what 
importance  is  it  to  a  reader  to  learn  that  a  certain  officer,  with 
a  certain  number  of  followers,  on  a  certain  time,  attacked  a 
defenceless  village  on  a  certain  river,  burnt  the  houses  and 
carried   off   the  inhabitants   into   captivity?      Here   is  sound 


'^'^^m^.^iii'.mimmm' 


nhiii    ^■*-*--  •■   «^- 


If 


I  ■■ 


8  Materials  for  the  iVork, 

without  sense,  unless  we  know  when  and  where  the  event  took 
place,  the  names  of  the  captives,  the  names  of  the  principal 
depredators,  as  well  as  the  incidents  of  the  trar-^^ion.  It 
is  well  known  to  every  reader  of  our  histories,  from  first  to 
last,  how  lamentably  deficient  they  are  in  the  particulars  here 
referred  to. 

It  was  quite  a  memorable  saying  of  one  of  the  ancient  his- 
torians, that  geography  and  chronology  were  the  two  eyes  of 
history.  That  historian,  or  the  author  of  that  saying,  ought 
to  have  added  a  third  indispensable,  and  told  us  what  the  soul 
of  history  is.  The  reader  of  this  preface  will  not  require  to 
be  told  what  the  writer  considers  the  soul  of  history. 

Many  who  have  written  histories  of  the  period  included  in 
this  work,  scarcely  notice  above  two  events  in  it,  and  those  in 
the  most  general  terms.  They  "ell  us  of  the  capture  of 
Louisbourg  and  the  sacking  of  Fort  Massachusetts !  And  yet 
it  was  a  war  of  about  five  years'  duration — the  entire  Eng- 
lish frontier,  from  Nova  Scotia  to  the  mouth  of  the  Monon- 
gahela,  was  laid  waste  by  fire  and  sword !  At  least  a  thousand 
people  were  killed  and  carried  into  captivity,  exclusive  of  the 
losses  of  soldiers.  The  greatest  sufferers  were  those  who 
from  necessity  were  obliged  to  make  their  homes  in  the  wild- 
erness border,  and  thus  met  the  brunt  of  savage  cruelties.  To 
those  our  attention  has  been  specially  directed. 

Within  the  last  few  years  a  very  important  source  of  in- 
formation has  been  laid  open,  by  the  publication  of  documents 
from  the  French  archives.  The  state  of  New  York  has 
caused  to  be  copied  from  those  archives  whatever  related  to  her 
borders,  and  printed  them  in  an  economical  manner;  thus 
rendering  them  accessible  to  everybody.  These  documents 
consist  of  minute   particulars  of  all   transactions   in  Canada 


/mi-m'^^ayg'™^^^ 


« 


Materials  for  the  Work.  9 

during  the  French  rule  in  that  country;  the  French  inter- 
course with  and  management  of  the  Indian  nationr  \  how  the 
Indians  were  employed  by  them  in  wars,  and  what  was  efFe^ed 
by  them  thus  employed.  All  these  documents  were  transmit- 
ted to  France,  have  been  well  preserved,  and  through  the 
liberality  of  the  French  government  are  now  open  for  exa- 
mination. The  importance  of  those  bearing  on  the  period  oi 
this  history  will  be  observable  by  the  reader  in  its  perusal. 

It  appears  from  an  examination  of  the  transcripts  taken 
from  the  French  war  office,  that  there  was  scarcely  an  expe- 
dition, of  however  small  a  number  of  men  it  consisted,  but 
what  v/as  authorized  by  the  government  of  Canada,  and  a 
record  made  of  its  setting  out,  of  its  return,  and  the  iiuccess 
or  ill  success  it  met  with.  All  these  we  now  have,  which  is 
some  advantage  over  those  who  have  written  without  them. 

Materials  of  our  own  are  very  fragmentary  nil  'A^  n:)«;  during 
the  existence  of  the  colonies.  These  had  no  common  head, 
and  each  operated,  in  war  and  peace,  on  its  own  account.  Hence 
there  was  no  central  point  to  which  all  matters  of  consequence 
might  otherwise  have  been  deposited,  and  thus  have  afforded  the 
historian  the  means  for  composing  a  history  of  any  particular 
period.  Newspapers,  now  the  great  history  of  the  world,  of 
everybody  and  everything,  were  very  few  a  hundred  and  fifty 
years  ago,  and  even  one  hundred  years  ago,  and  those  few  had 
often  slender  means  to  arrive  at  the  truth.  Fads  had  to 
travel  a  great  distance  generally  to  get  into  t^rpe,  and  then  it 
was  old  news,  and  if  incorred  was  not  found  out  in  time  to 
make  the  necessary  corre«Sion  of  any  value  to  those  immediately 
interested.  However,  notwithstanding  these  considerations, 
fads  are  contained  in  the  newspapers  of  the  times,  highly 
valuable  and  indispensable,  especially  as  they  often  come  in  •  as 
B 


10 


Benjamin  Doolittle, 


'\    ! 


vouchers  of  other  accounts,  affording  comparisons  by  which 
unmistakable  truths  are  arrived  at.  There  were  fewer  maga- 
zines than  newspapers,  and  the  accounts  in  these  were  generally 
copied  from  the  former,  which  circumstance  renders  them  of 
less  historical  value. 

Of  all  the  authorities  useful  to  the  historian,  contemporane- 
ous narratives  are  the  most  valuable ;  but  these,  upon  the  period 
under  consideration,  are  very  few,  and  some  of  these  few  are  of 
such  extreme  rarity  that  they  were  unknown  to  most  writers 
of  history  in  a  few  years  after  they  were  published.  The 
compiler  of  the  ensuing  work  has  been  fortunate  in  his 
acquaintance  with,  and  in  having  the  use  of  several  of  this 
description  of  materials.  1  o  the  author  of  one  of  these  he 
has  been  much  indebted ;  an  author  deserving  the  most  honora- 
ble mention,  yet  almost  entirely  unknown,  even  in  the  sedion 
of  country  to  which  his  work  particularly  relates ;  and  the 
time  has  not  yet  arrived  among  the  people  there,  in  which  a 
sense  of  their  obligations  has  manifested  itself,  in  ~ny  way,  of 
which  the  writer  is  aware,  beyond  a  head  and  foot  stone  in  a 
cemetery  at  Northfield,  with  a  commonplace  inscription  upon 
the  former. 

This  negle£led  author  was  the  Reverend  Benjamin  Doo- 
little, of  whom  the  following  particulars  have  been  obtained. 
He  was  born  in  Wallingford,  Conne6licut,  July  loth,  1695; 
was  son  of  John  Dpohttle  of  the  same  town,  and  grandson 
of  Abraham  Doolittle,  the  emigrant  ancestor,  who  is  found  in 
New  Haven  about  1640.  Benjamin  was  by  a  second  marriage 
of  John  with  Grace  Blakesley,  of  whose  early  education  and 
life  no  fa<as  have  been  met  with.  It  is  only  known  that  he 
was  a  graduate   of   Yale   College   in    17 16,  at    the  age  of 


-A'^iitMujiuiiji;*' 


Benjamin  T>oolittle. 


II 


twenty-one  years.*  It  is  not  material  to  know  with  whom  he 
studied  theology,  but  it  is  known  that  he  was  settled  in  the 
ministry  at  Northfield  in  1 718,  in  which  office  he  continued 
about  thirty  years.  His  death  was  very  sudden,  occasioned,  no 
doubt,  by  what  in  these  days  is  termed  the  heart  disease.  A 
sermon  was  preached  at  his  funeral  by  the  Rev.  Jonathan 
Ashley,  of  Deerfield,  from  the  texts  of  Mark  xiii,  37,  and 
Rev.  iii,  3,  from  which  it  appears  that  he  died  "January  9th, 
1 748,t  in  the  54th  year  of  his  age,  and  30th  of  his  ministry." 
The  sermon  was  printed  in  Boston  in  1 749,  making  an  o<^avo 
of  twenty-six  pages,  but,  as  is  usual  with  such  performances, 
contains  little  information  respeding  the  subjedl:  of  it,  beyond 
its  title  page.  Besides  the  date  of  his  de^th,  and  age,  there 
are  the  following  lines  to  his  memory,  upon  the  stone  mark- 
ing the  place  of  his  burial : 

''■]':  ■  •■/■;  ""'!•?•  '^-'"r'    ■■';■■>' 

Bleited  with  good  intelleftual  parts, 

Well  tkUled  in  two  important  am,  ;.> --  V' 

Nobly  he  filled  the  double  itation  ■i'<.v,:t 

Both  of  a  preacher  and  phjrtidan. 
To  cure  men's  sicknesses  and  sins, 
t  He  took  unwearied  care  and  pains  {  >  ^ '> 

And  strove  to  make  his  patient  whole  <}\ 

Throughout,  in  body  and  soul. 
He  lov'd  his  Ood,  loT'd  to  do  good, 
To  all  his  friends  vast  Jdndness  show'd ; 
Nor  could  his  enemies  exclaim, 
And  say  he  was  not  kind  to  them. 
His  labors  met  c  sudden  close. 
Now  he  enjoys  a  sweet  repose ) 
And  when  the  just  to  life  shall  rise, 
Among  the  Brst  he'll  mount  the  skies.  | 


if 


ft- 


*  For  these  few  genealogical  items  we  f  This  date  is  old  style,  of  course, 

are  indebted  to  the  Hon.  Mark  Dcolittle,  |  Copied  in  Barber's  Hhnrical  CilUf 

late  of  Belchertown,  a  very  distant  con-  liont  «/ MsusMckuuttt,  a68.     Itieemsnot 

ne£Uon  of  Benjamin,  and  a  gentleman  of  to  have  come  to  the  knowledge  of  Bridg- 

high  standing  in  Hampshire  county.  man,  who  colleded  and  published  what 


rr^Tr^rTrrTrrrrrrT—T- 


•"^^^t^mpw^ii 


»<)*lll  lllW1j»*lll*">lH»Wi".  'M»>i    ' 


-.-illftiM  .lull  111     I  — - 


•a 


ii  ! 


12 


Benjamin  Doolittle. 


i 


M 

i  ■ 


I! 

I      !  i 


There  was  also  published  in  a  Boston  newspaper  this  brief 
notice  of  Mr.  Doolittle's  death :  "  We  are  informed  that  on 
the  9th  instant,  the  Rev.  Mr.  Doolittle,  pastor  of  the  church 
in  Northfield,  was  suddenly  seized  with  a  pain  in  his  breast,  as 
he  was  mending  a  fence  in  his  yard,  and  died  in  a  few  min- 
ute's time,  to  the  inexpressible  grief  of  the  town  in  general, 
as  well  as  his  own  family  in  particular."  "* 

Had  not  Mr.  Doolittle  been  so  suddenly  taken  away  it  is  pre- 
sumed he  would  have  perfected  and  published  his  history  of 
this  war  himself}  for  it  is  one  of  the  most  important  and 
valuable  records  of  it,  so  far  as  his  plan  extended,  that  can  be 
found  of  any  similar  period  in  our  history.  His  location  gave 
him  the  best  means  of  ascertaining  the  truth  of  the  trans- 
actions, all  of  which  he  appears  to  have  narrated  with  singular 
impartiality.  It  was  doubtless  well  known  to  many  that  he 
kept  a  record  of  the  events  of  the  war,  as  not  long  after  his 
death  his  manuscript  was  obtained  and  printed;  but  who 
superintended  the  printing,  and  made  **the  small  additions  to 
render  it  more  perfect,"  no  intimation  is  given  in  the  work. 
Its  title  is  as  follows :  ^^  A  short  Narrative  of  the  Mischief 
done  by  the  French  and  Indian  Enemy,  on  the  western  Frontiers 
of  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay ;  from  the  Beginning  of 
the  French  War,  proclaimed  by  the  King  of  France,  March 
15th,  1743-4;  and  by  the  King  of  Great  Britain,  March  29th, 
1744,  to  August  2d,  1748.  Drawn  up  by  the  Rev.  Mr.  Doo- 
little, of  Northfield,  in  the  County  of  Hampshire ;  aisid  found 
among  his  Manuscripts  after  his  Death.  And  at  the  Desire  of 
some,  is  now  published,  with  some  small  Additions,  to  render  it 

he   call*   the  leuriptions  in  tbt    Oravt  honored   with  Bruf  Annalt  »f  Ntrtk- 

Tardi  in  Ntribmimfton  and  of  otbtr  Tov>nt  ampten. 

in  tb*   Vallty  of  tkt   ConntaUut,    1850.  *  Botton  Gamitt  mnd  WuUy  Journml^ 

Thk  work  the  rcnerable  Dr.  Wm.  Allen  January  14th,  1749. 


hit 


French  and  Indian  War. 


'3 


more  perfect.  Boston:  Printed  and  sold  by  S.  Kneeland,  in 
Queen  Street,  MDCCL."  It  is  a  small  o<^avo  pamphlet  of 
24  pages  only.*  '''"''■'  ■'-"---■ ''r-  "-■-•■:. -^.^  ri^x-^"--'  A-^-  ■"* 

There  is  another  work  by  the  same  author,  but  upon  a  dif- 
ferent subje(ft,  which  ic  probably  the  only  one  he  ever  pub- 
lished, and  known  only  to  the  writer  from  an  advertisement. 
Its  title  is — *^An  Enquiry  into  Enthusiasm,  being  an  Account 
of  what  it  is,  the  Original,  Progress  and  EfFe6t  of  it,"  1743. 
Perhaps  written  on  the  occasion  of  the  Whitefield  excitement. 

It  was  the  original  intention  of  the  writer  to  publish  a 
history  of  all  the  French  and  Indian  wars,  from  the  first  set- 
tlement of  the  country  to  the  final  destruction  of  the  French 
power  on  this  continent }  the  number  of  volumes  to  equal  the 
number  of  those  wars,  and  he  has  during  many  years  past 
made  large  collections,  and  extensive  notes  for  that  purpose. 
This  volume  not  being  in  the  order  of  time,  that  is,  not  the 
first  in  the  series  of  those  wars,  but  is  made  the  first  of  the 
series,  because  the  materials  for  it  seemed  more  complete  than 
any  other;  and  here  it  may  be  well, to  give  the  reader  an  idea 
of  the  war  periods  to  which  reference  is  made : 

The  first  was  the  Ten  Years  War,  which  followed  the  revo- 
lution in  favor  of  William  III,  Prince  of  Orange,  1688  to 
1698,  during  the  administrations  of  Governors  Phips  and 
Stoughton,  and  sometimes  called  King  William's  war.  Of 
this  war  Dr.  Cotton  Mather  has  given  a  history  under  the 
partial  title  of  Decennium  Luituosum. 

The  second  was  during  the  governorship  of  Joseph  Dudley, 
Esq.,   1703  to  1 713,  alfo  a  Decennium  LuSiuosum;  and  called 

Governor  Dudley's  Indian  War. 

,»■ 

•  See  Appbmdix,  A. 


i' 
i:. 


SB 


l._Ul AiA_ 


14 


French  and  Indian  War, 


The  third  was  in  the  term  of  Lieutenant-Governor  Dum- 
mer's  chief  magistracy  of  Massachusetts,  1722  to  1725,  and 
called  Governor  Dummer's  Indian  War. 

The  fourth  was  during  a  period  of  Governor  Shirley's  ad- 
miniatration,  1744  to  1749,  the  period  covered  by  the  present 
volume. 

The  fifth  extends  from  1754  to  the  fall  of  Quebec,  and 
final  r^dudlion  of  Canada.  All  of  which  comprehends  a 
period  of  about  seventy-two  years,  for  nearly  the  whole  of 
which  time  the  entire  frontiers  of  the  English  colonies  were 
harassed  by  war,  in  the  manner  described  in  the  ensuing  pages ; 
and  whether  other  volumes  will  be  published  of  the  other  war 
periods,  depends  on  several  contingencies  not  necessary  to  be 
mentioned.  .-,  -:Ai,?^'^; •■;,*.->;«.■>  s ':>,.,  :''~-:xr 


iic> 


♦    J  1 


,,:,.■  "•■:¥;  p^'1''  y^"^':-  ''^'•'-  ""r':-   \P''' 


.  _^i;_^jrujiteu^^ 


\m 


CHAPTER    II 


r.M";;'.'>'     -tli-^,..-    yi'V' 


NOTIC?   OF    GOVERNOR    SHIRLEY.         ,  , 

Being  a  Review  of  a  Portion  of  hit  Admiaiitratlon,  in  which  an  Attempt  la  made  to  corrvA 

MlMtatementt  conceriUA|  it. 

THE  biography  of  Governor  Shir- 
ley has  been  unreasonably,  and,  it 
may  be  said,  unaccountably  neglected  by 
all  the  biographers  and  historians  of 
New  England;  while  there  have  been 
few  men  of  the  eighteenth  century  who 
have  belonged  to  New  England,  who 
have  filled  so  important  a  place,  and  per- 
formed such  signal  services  as  he.  The  reason  for  this  negledl 
and  injustice  will  be  shown  in  the  course  of  this  notice. 

The  biography  of  Gov.  Shirley  here  proposed  is  intended  only 
as  introductory  to  the  history  of  the  part  of  his  administration 
including  the  Five  Years  Indian  and  French  War  embraced  in 
the  present  work.  His  life  is  yet  to  be  written,  and  will  form 
a  volume  of  the  history  of  New  England,  if  in  skillful  hands, 
inferior  in  interest  to  none,  saving,  perhaps,  that  of  the  Pil- 
grims. Therefore,  in  the  present  chapter  it  is  only  f mended  to 
review  some  erroneous  statements  which  have  hitherto  passed 
for  history. 

Some  untovyard  circumstances  in  the  later  war  conspired  to 
render  Mr.  Shirley's  plans  abortive.  This  is  no  uncommon 
fortune,  and  such  have  often  happened  to  men  of  the  greatest 
and  best  abilities.     Whenever  a  man  attains  a  position  in  any 


u 


-.'•* 


■  1 1  »■>»  immmm>0*4t»miftm 


mSSSBSSmJB 


ill 


# 


i6 


Governor  Shirley. 


great  undertaking,  sappers  and  miners  set  busily  at  work  to 
destroy  his  reputation.  They  often  succeed,  and  pass  ofF  the 
stage  of  life  undete£ted,  except  by  their  own  consciences. 
They  could  not  but  know  that  history  would  expose  them  at 
some  period  in  the  future. 

There  does  not  appear  the  slightest  grounds  for  questioning 
the  patriotism  of  Governor  Shirley.  He  nade  great  sacri- 
fices, and  by  his  watchfulness,  energy,  and  perseverance,  the 
enemy  wet'e  baffled  in  their  hopes  of  subjeding  this  country 
and  bringing  it  under  Catholic  domination.  The  danger  was 
imminent  when  this  war  commenced,  and  Governor  Shirley 
exerted  himself  to  the  utmost  to  avert  such  an  event.  No  pa- 
triot of  the  Revolution  of  1775  could  have  done  more  in 
asserting  the  rights  of  America  than  he  did  to  avert  the  im- 
pending danger  of  falling  under  the  rule  of  France.  Some 
modern  historians  seem  to  have  had  no  appreciation  of  his 
services,  owing  to  a  very  superficial  knowledge  of  the  history  of 
the  times  of  which  they  were  treating.  They  even  bring  the 
charge  against  him,  that  of  ^*  restoring  British  authority  in  the 
country!"  A  most  extraordinary  charge,  considering  that 
there  was  no  other  legal  authority  in  the  country."'  Perhaps 
the  laws  may  not  have  been  so  well  executed  before  Mr. 
Shirley's  accession  as  they  were  afterwards.  If  this  was 
"restoring  British  authority,"  every  good  citizen  had  reason 
to  rejoice.  Surely  nobody  thought,  at  that  early  day,  of  in- 
dependence of  England,  for  without  her  aid  New  England 
would  indubitably  have  become  a  province  of  France.  Go- 
vernors were  not  appointed  to  subvert  the  authority  of  the 
crown,  but  to  see  that  the  laws  of  the  realm  were  faithfully 

♦  S«e  Bancroft,  Hittery  if  tht  Unhtd  serere,  for  we  have  been  intimate  friendt 
Suut.     I  hope  he  will  not  think  me    rery  hard  upon  forty  yean. 


Governor  Shirley. 


17 


executed.     Mr.  Shirley  did  this  to  the  entire  acceptance  of  the 
country. 

A  contemporary  historian,'*'  an  adopted  citizen  of  Boston, 
generally  opposed  the  measures  of  Mr.  Shirley.  His  opposi- 
tion, so  far  as  can  now  be  judged,  arose  from  a  fault-finding 
disposition,  as  he  brings  forward  nothing  against  him  except 
his  acquiescence  in  the  issue  of  paper  money ;  but  for  which, 
as  everybody  knows,  the  Louisbourg  expedition  could  not  have 
been  carried  on.  All  issues  of  paper  money  are  evils,  and  can 
only  be  warranted  to  prevent  much  greater  evils.  Could  the 
Rebellion  of  1861  have  been  put  down  without  the  aid  of 
paper  money?  It  was  a  gigantic  evil,  but  what  adjective 
have  we  that  can  express  the  magnitude  of  the  evil  if  the 
Rebellion  had  not  been  put  down? 

Governor  Shirley  had  his  enemies.  They  are  the  conse- 
quence of  success.  To  judge  correftly  of  a  man's  character  we 
must  take  the  evidence  of  his  cotemporaries,  those  known  for 
their  integrity,  whose  utterances  have  come  down  to  us  uuim- 
peached,  and  whose  lives  are  without  reproach.  Governor 
Hutchinson  has  spoken  as  highly  of  Mr.  Shirley  as  one  contem- 
porary can  be  required  to  speak  of  another,  and  as  his  evidence 
must  be  familiar  to  all  readers  of  New  England  history,  it  need 
not  be  repeated  here ;  but  we  will  take  that  of  one  of  equally  high 
standing,  though  less  known,  from  the  fa£t  that  his  evidence 
appeared  without  his  name,  for  prudential  reasons.  This  was 
the  Honorable  William  Livingston,  author  of  the  Review  of 
the  Military  Operations^f  etc.,  1753  to  1756,  with  a  full  and 
accurate  knowledge  of  all  transactions  in  which  Governor 
Shirley  w^s  engaged,  thus  speaks  of  him : 

•  Dr.  William  Douglass.  published  in  London,  1757,  4to,  and  re- 

-j-  See  Sedgwick's   Life  of  Livingston^     printed   in   Boston  immediately  after,  in 
page   114.      That   able    work   was  first     the  same  form. 

c 


<• 


■  .am»»^d-*mti^tJkMt »  It  i(*i 


■Htiiiiwi  wSSSSOB 


.     *f  ■!■    .|«Bi- 


18 


Governor  Shirley. 


"Of  all  our  plantation  Governors,  Mr.  Shirley  is  most  dis- 
tinguished for  his  singular  abilities.  He  was  born  in  England, 
and  bred  up  to  the  law  at  one  of  the  inns  of  court.  In  that 
profession  he  afterwards  pra£ticed,  for  several  years,  in  the 
Massachusetts  Bay,  and,  in  1741,  was  advanced  by  his  majesty 
to  the  supreme  command  of  the  colony.  He  is  a  gentleman 
of  great  political  sagacity,  ijctp  penetration,  and  indefatigable 
industry.  With  respe£k  to  the  wisdom  and  equity  of  his 
administration,  he  can  boast  of  the  universal  suffrage  of  a  wise, 
free,  jealous  and  moral  people."  .« 

Against  this  charafter  of  Gov.  Shirley,  drawn  by  an  impar- 
tial and  truthful  contemporary,  assertions  to  the  contrary,  by 
any  at  this  distance  of  time,  will  hardly  seduce  those  wishing 
to  be  well  informed,  into  a  belief  of  charges  of  the  nature 
alluded  to.  *'  Ambitious  and  needy,"  says  a  modern  historian. 
As  to  the  first  of  these  crimes^  perhaps  he  (the  accuser)  may 
have  no  ambition ;  but  the  value  of  a  man  without  that  quality, 
to  our  apprehension,  would  be  too  small  for  estimation;  and 
as  to  the  charge  of  being  needy^  that  was  a  consequence,  as 
well  as  an  evidence,  of  his  integrity  and  honesty.  This  lat- 
ter charge  has  rarely  been  made  against  public  officers.  Hence 
his  enemies  have  never  charged  him  with  enriching  himself  at 
the  expense  of  the  province. 

Another  sin  is  also  laid  to  the  governor's  charge  —  he 
upheld  the  Episcopal  church !  Was  it  not  a  requisite  that  all 
officers  of  the  crown  should  be  Protestants  of  that  denomi- 
nation ?  Did  he  ever  interfere  with  other  secfts  ?  Not  at  all. 
No  such  charge  was  ever  brought  against  him,  that  has  come 
within  our  knowledge.  He  was  ambitious  that  all  should  have 
their  rights,  and  in  his  account  of  the  taking  of  Louisbourg, 


Ht 


'.  aAr-fmxSiism^i^iisiBsS^c.. 


,    ;:i».cjs.iui jsfessr.sirz 


Governor  Shirley. 


19 


which  he  sent  to  the  Duke  of  Newcastle,"*  and  in  his  letters 
afterwards  to  men  in  power,  he  was  ambitious  that  New  Eng- 
land should  not  be  robbed  of  its  honors  in  that  important 
service,  and  eventually  was  a  principal  means  of  obtaining  for 
the  country  reimbursement  for  its  expenses  and .  sacrifices  in 
that  great  undertaking,  so  long  withheld  through  the  misrepre- 
sentations of  its  enemies. 

His  letter  10  the  Duke  of  Newcastle  was  accompanied  by 
a  journal  of  what  transpired  from  the  commencement  of  the 
expedition  to  the  capture  of  Louisbourg.  Both  are  written 
with  admirable  clearness,  and  at  once  discover  superior  literary 
ability,  impartiality  to  all  parties  concerned,  and  a  truthful- 
ness unsurpassed  by  any  writer  of  the  time.  .  *  • 

By  the  following  action  of  the  representatives  of  the  co- 
lony, the  estimation  in  which  Governor  Shirley's  services 
were  held  is  a  noble  acknowledgment  of  their  appreciation, 
happily  expressed,  in  th^se  words:  "It  is  with  great  pleasure 
we  observe  that  you  have  once  and  again  been  the  instrument 
in  the  hands  of  Divine  Providence,  of  preservii'.g  the  garrison 
of  Annapolis,  a  province  of  Nova  Scotia,  from  the  French, 
more  especially  in  the  year  174.4,  when,  by  the  forces  your 
excellency  sent  from  this  province,  it  was  snatched  out  of  their 
hands,  then  just  in  possession  of  the  fort;  and  again  in  the 
year  1745,  when  they  were  broken  up  in  their  siege  of  it  by 
your  surprising  and  successful  attempt  on  Cape  Breton;  and 
now,  again,  when  there  was  such  %  number  of  Canadians  and 
others  going  against  it  by  land  and  sea. 

"But  these  things,  although  they  have  the  effects  of  great 
wisdom,  care,  and  application  in  your  excellency,  for  which 


*  And  "  published   by  authority,"  by     The  Mine  wa*  aAerwardi  reprinted  here 
£.   Owen,   Warwick  Lane,    1746,  8vo.     in  Boston,  by  Order  of  the  General  Court. 


'ET 


K 


aen 


mJUWH 


20 


Governor  Shirley. 


li  i 


N'lii  i. 


ill  I 


1 

li  i 


every  good  Englishman  rejoices  and  is  thankful,  yet  they  have 
been  performed  at  a  great  expense,  more  especially  to  this  pro- 
vince, and  therefore  we  cannot  but  be  much  concerned  at  the 
frequent  return  of  this  danger;  not  only  because  of  the  great 
difficulties  in  removing  it  from  time  to  time,  but  also  by 
reason  of  the  doubt,  whether  by  some  surprise,  impossible  to 
be  foreseen,  this  barrier  of  his  majesty's  dominions,  of  such 
mighty  consequence,  may  not  some  time  or  other  be  lost,  if  it 
continues  in  its  present  exposed  condition." 

They  go  on  and  express  a  hope  that  his  excellency  may  be 
able  to  suggest  some  remedy  against  the  traitorous  practices  of 
those  French  subjects  of  Nova  Scotia  who,  though  prote<fted 
by  the  British  government,  were  using  all  means  to  destroy  it. 

After  the  patched  up  peace  between  England  and  France,  in 
1748,  commissioners  of  the  two  "governments  met  in  Paris  in 
1750,  to  settle  the  boundary  line  oetween  the  two  countries 
in  America.  The  able  memorial  of  this  negotiation  was 
written  by  Gov.  Shirley,  in  which  he  showed  that  all  the  land 
between  the  St.  Lawrence  and  Penobscot  rivers  belonged  to 
England.'*'  In  1753  he  returned  to  his  government  in  Massa-< 
chusetts.  The  next  year  he  explored  the  Kennebec  river,  and 
caused  the  erection  of  Fort  Halifax  and  Fort  Western.  < 

While  in  France  he  married  a  second  wife,  privately  it  is 
said,  at  which  many  took  umbrage,  insinuating  that  he  had 
taken  a  lady  below  him  in  social  standing,  and  a  Catholic 
besides ;  but  as  nothing  is  met  with  to  the  contrary,  it  is  pre- 
sumed that  whatever  of  misfortune,  if  any,  accrued  from  this 
marriage,  proceeded  from  a  spirit  of  detradlion  which  soon 
died  away. 


*  Jeremiah  Dummer  had  many  Yean     Tht  Importance  of  Cape  Breton^  page  13. 
previous  asserted  the  same    claim.     See     London,  1746. 


1x4 


I  M«i ■n»m«tedM>' 


Governor  Shirley. 


21 


In  the  war  made  memorable  by  its  bringing  George  Wash- 
ington into  notice,  and  the  defeat  and  death  of  General 
Braddock,  Mr.  Shirley  was  appointed  a  major-general  in  the 
British  a.my,  and  he  set  vigorously  to  work  to  complete  the 
conquest  of  Canada,  fully  convinced  that  there  could  be  no 
safety  for  New  England  so  long  as  it  was  under  the  dominion 
of  the  French.  For  this  great  object  his  plans  were  unques- 
tionably well  laid,  and  failed  only  through  the  inability  or 
treachery,  or  both,  of  those  on  whom  he  was  compelled  to 
depend,  to  perform  their  parts  in  the  undertaking.  But  as  this 
cannot  he  discussed  in  a  manner  at  all  satisfactory,  and  does  not 
belong  to  our  present  work,  it  is  only  necessary  to  remirid  the 
reader  that  a  vindication  of  Maj.-Gen.  Shirley  has  long  since 
been  triumphantly  performed.* 

It  is  a  necessity  in  all  wars  to  displace  commanders  if  they 
do  not  happen  to  be  successful  in  some  important  a(^ion,  even 
if  a  misfortune  happened  entirely  outside  of  their  control. 
This  was  Gen.  Shirley's  situation,  and  it  was  enough  for  his 
enemies  to  seize  upon,  and  through  it  ruined  his  prospedts  of 
future  usefulness.  But  he  lived  to  see  a  turn  in  that  sort  of 
tidal  wave  which  rises  far  higher  than  it  is  able  to  maintain 
itself.  Although  for  a  time  he  was  coolly  treated,  and  met 
with  some  delay  in  getting  his  accounts  through  the  hands  of 
certain  public  officials,  yet  he  was  far  from  having  been  treated 
with  obloquy,  as  some  have  insinuated. 

Much  injustice  has  been  done  Mr.  Shirley  by  superficial 
writers  who  have  not  taken  the  pains  to  go  to  the  sources  of 
information;  had  they  done  so  they  would  not  have  found  him 

*  See  the  able  and  conclusive  work  London,  1758,  8vo.  Alw>,  ARivirw  ^ 
entitled  Tht  Condud  of  Major-Gtntral  the  Military  Of  tratiom  in  North  Amtrica. 
Shirley  in  North  America,   brtefy  stated.     4to,  London,  1757,  before  cited. 


;i1*t*'^i»»Wt  fU.ii 


22 


Governor  Shirley. 


claiming  any  honors  not  belonging  to  him,  or  shuffling  off  re- 
sponsibility while  an  issue  was  doubtful,  or  claiming  credit  when 
such  issue  was  to  shed  honors  on  those  engaged  in  it.* 

His  extreme  watchfulness  while  danger  seemed  imminent 
from  a  vast  French  fleet  hovering  on  the  coast  during  the 
summer  of  1746,  is  strikingly  apparent  in  many  instances  which 
cannot  be  detailed  here,  while  they  fall  within  the  province  of 
the  historian  of  New  England. 

Claimants  to  the  honor  of  an  enterprise  are  not  wanting 
after  it  has  proved  successful.  So  in  the  case  of  the  Cape  Bre- 
ton expedition,  there  were  no  less  than  three  noted  gentlemen 
who,  or  their  friends  for  them,  laid  claim  to  originating  that 
of  1745.  These  were  Col.  James  Gibson  of  Boston,  Robert 
Auchmuty,  Esq.,  also  of  Boston,  and  Major  William  Vaughan 
of  Damariscotta.f  The  first  named  was  a  wealthy  merchant, 
and  is  said  to  have  advanced  £500  towards  setting  the  expedi- 
tion on  foot,  accompanied  it,  and  afterwards  published  an  ac- 
count of  it.  Respecting  Mr.  Auchmuty's  claim,  it  is  said  that 
while  an  agent  in  England  to  adjust  the  boundary  line  be- 
tween Massachusetts  and  Rhode  Island,  he  published  a  work 
on  The  Importance  of  Cape  Breton^  and  a  Plan  for  taking  the 
Place.  Not  having  met  with  this  performance,  and  its  date 
being  unknown,  it  must  have  been  of  small  consequence, 
especially  .as  secrecy  was  of  the  first  importance.  Besides,  the 
capture  of  all  and  any  important  points  from  the  French  were 
common  and  daily  topics  of  conversation.  Mr.  Auchmuty 
was  the  grandfather  of  the  late  Sir  Samuel  Auchmuty,  a  lieu- 

*  Dr.  Eliot  unfortunately  fell  into  this  Vaughn,"  and  had  a  block-houie  there 

error  in  his   generally  good  biographical  with  fourteen  men  in  it  which  performed 

notices  of  New  England  men.  scout    duty.       See    Baton's     Thomattonf 

f  He  was  then  (1744-5)  calle<l  "Capt.  I,  page  54. 


\i  i 


Governor  Shirley. 


23 


tenant-general  in  the  British  army,  and  remembered  on  ac- 
count of  his  expeditionary  voyage  to  South  America  in  1806. 
Mr.  Hutchinson,  then  speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 
makes  no  mention  of  Auchmutv  in  connection  with  the 
Louisbourg  war,  nor  does  he  of  Gibson,  but  he  says  (what  he 
does  not  appear  fully  to  sanation)  that  Vaughan  ^^  was  called  the 
proje£lor  of  the  expedition."  That  "it  is  probable  he  laid 
before  the  Governor  a  proposal  for  it,  and  it  is  certain  he  took 
great  pains  to  induce  the  people  to  think  favorably  of  it."  A 
late  author*  says  Vaughan  first  proposed  the  matter  to  Gov. 
Wentworth,  whi/  referred  him  to  Gov.  Shirley. 

But  the  careful  reader  of  this  part  of  the  history  of  New 
England  has  seen,  that  as  early  as  May  I4th^  '744)  M.  Du 
Vivier  sailed  from  Louisbourg  with  an  army  of  about  1000 
men,  captured  Canso,  and  carried  the  garrison  prisoners  to 
Louisbourg.  These  prisoners  being  soon  exchanged,  and  on 
returning  home  gave  such  an  account  of  the  defenceless  state 
of  the  city,  and  of  the  fortifications  there,  that  Gov.  Shirley 
was  satisfied  the  place  might  be  c  ptured,  if  attempted  before 
it  could  be  reinforced  from  France.  Many  were  so  zealous  as 
to  urge  a  winter  expedition  to  the  island,  nothing  doubting  but 
that  the  fortifications  could  be  carried  by  an  escalade,  by  rea- 
son of  the  great  depth  of  the  snow,  which  usually  lay  in  drifts 
they  said,  even  with  the  tops  of  the  walls  of  the  fortifi- 
cations. 

Mr.  Vaughan  had  traded  there,  and  was  well  acquainted  with 
the  place  from  the  reports  of  those  he  employed.  In  1744 
he  was  carrying  on  a  fishery  at  Montinicus,  and  fitting  out 
vessels  for  that  purpose  at  Portsmouth,  in  New  Hampshire, 
when  the  question  of  a  secret  expedition  was  raised,  and  into 

*  Judge  Potter  in  hit  Hiutry  of  Manckentr,  117. 


\'-^ 


•  r* 


m 


^■p 


24 


Governor  Shirley. 


which  he  entered  with  an  energy  and  boldness  very  properly 
termed  rashness.  He  was  a  son  of  Lieutenani-Governor 
Vaughan  of  that  province.  The  most  that  he  ever  claimed  of 
the  honor  of  originating  the  expedition,  judging  from  the  pub- 
lication probably  authorized  by  him,  was  that  "of  having 
revived,  at  least,  if  not  of  being  the  original  mover  and  pro- 
jector of  this  grand  and  successful  enterprise."*  In  another 
place  the  same  writer  remarks:  "That  Mr.  Vaughan  first  set 
the  expedition  on  foot ;  nay,  that  he  revived  it,  when  abso- 
lutely rejeded  by  the  General  Assembly ;  that  he  behaved  with 
all  the  gallantry  and  bravery  as  well  as  zeal  for  the  service 
whilst  it  was  going  on,  that  could  be  expected  from  a  person  in 
a  much  higher  rank,  are  fails  which  stand  in  need  of  no 
proof,"  according  to  certificates  and  original  letters  then  in 
the  hands  of  Mr.  Vaughan.f 

After  a  careful  investigation  of 
the  period  covered  by  the  adminis- 
tration of  Governor  Shirley,  it  is 
confidently  assumed  that  few,  if  any, 
of  the  colonial  Governors  of  New 
England  had  more  at  heart  the 
good  of  the  country  than  he.  His 
disinterested  patriotism  was,  no 
doubt,  a  great  benefit  beyond  his 
immediate  administration,  and  was 
not  without  its  influence  on  his  able 
and  fortunate  successor.  Governor 
Thomas  Pownall. 

Governor    Shirley  lived   till    the 

•  The    Importance    and  Advantage   of    considered.     London,   1746,  8vo,  p.   ia8. 
Cape  Breton,  truly   stated  and  'mpartially  ^  Ibidem,  131. 


Governor  Shirley. 


25 


commencement  of  the  turbulent  times  which  preceded  the 
Revolution.  He  was  then  quite  aged,  and  we  do  not  find  that 
he  took  any  part  in  the  political  movements  of  that  time. 
He  was  absent  from  the  country  through  the  most  of  that 
period,  but  returned,  and  died  at  his  seat  in  Roxbury,  March 
24th,  1 77 1,  aged  about  seventy-eight  years.  His  name  is 
perpetuated  by  having  been  given  to  several  places,  though  the 
compilers  of  gazetteers  do  not  seem  to  have  known  the  fa£l. 
Point  Shirley  perpetuates  it  in  the  vicinity  of  Boston.  This 
place  was  so  named  with  much  ceremony,  in  1753.* 

The  remains  of  Governor  Shirley  were  deposited  in  King's 
Chapel.,  Boston. 

It  was  so  much  the  fashion  of  American  writers  subsequent 
to  the  Revolution,  to  decry  those  who  had  been  in  the  service 
of  the  crown,  that  impartiality  is  seldom  to  be  found  in  their 
accounts  of  them ;  and  we  are  sorry  to  see  the  same  prejudices 
lurking  in  popular  works  even  to  ihis  day. 

A  circumstance  which  afFe<Sted  the  reputation  of  Mr.  Shirley 
immediately  after  he  was  superseded  in  command  in  America, 
should  not  be  overlooked  by  his  biographer.  Two  of  his  suc- 
cessors met  with  a  fate  similar  to  his  \  one.  Lord  Loudon,  from 
causes  which  he  quite  satisfactorily  proved  he  could  not  con- 
trol, while  the  other.  Gen.  James  Abercrombie,  failed  from 
causes  which  have  not  been  urged  in  excuse  or  mitigation. 
The  consequence  was  the  three  commanders  were  indiscrimi- 
nately buried  in  the  same  grave  of  public  opinion.  Then 
came  Wolfe,  Monckton,  Murray  and  Amherst.  The  British 
lion  was  at  length  fully  aroused.  Warned  by  the  mistakes  of 
Braddock  and  Abercrombie,  the  guidance  of  the  pioneer 
woodsmen  of  New  England  was  listened  to,  and  the  fall  of 

:.     '>^  S»  Netv  England  Hiuorical  *nd  Genealogical  Register,  XIII,  page  III.  -^ 

D 


26 


Governor  Shirley. 


V    I 


IM 


Canada  ensued.  What  Gen.  Shirley,  and  others  who  labored 
with  him,  had  done,  was  turned  to  the  account  of  those  they 
had  made  fortunate  by  their  sacrifices.  Hence  it  followed  that 
all  which  had  been  achieved  by  Mr.  Shirley  and  his  com- 
panions in  arms  was  lost  sight  of,  and  all  the  credit  and  glory 
were  heaped  upon  their  more  fortunate  successors.  The  say- 
ing is  true,  that  "truth  is  mighty  and  will  prevail,"  but  it  is 
often  sunk  so  deep  in  the  mire  of  falsehood,  that  it  is  a  long 
time  in  coming  to  the  surface.     ■ 

Mr.  Shirley  promoted  William  Johnson  to  an  important 
command,  who,  in  a  most  treacherous  manner,  played  false 
to  him,  and  intrigued  with  the  unscrupulous  Delancy  to  blast 
the  prospects  of  his  benefaftor.  And  it  has  since  plainly 
appeared,  that  few  men  at  any  time  ever  realized  greater  re- 
nown on  so  small  an  amount  of  merit,  as  General,  afterwards 
Sir  William  Johnson.     But  we  leave  him  to  his  biographer. 

Had  circumstances  favored  the  well-laid  plans  of  an  expe- 
dition against  Canada,  the  enemies  of  Gen.  Shirley  would  have 
been  silenced ;  and,  when  it  is  well  known  that  that  expedition 
failed  through  the  evil  intentions  and  intrigues  of  men  high  in 
office,  it  ill  becomes  the  modern  historian  to  pronounce  the 
plans  of  Gen.  Shirley  visionary  and  ill-conceived. 

The  vast  preparations  of  France  against  New  England,  in 
1746,  have  been  alluded  to,  upon  which  it  is  proposed  to  be  a 
little  more  explicit.  Those  gigantic  preparations  exceeded 
anything  of  the  kind  in  magnitude  since  the  armada  of  Spain 
for  the  conquest  of  England  in  1588.  Fortunately  for  New 
England,  the  elements  and  disease  fought  for  the  devoted 
country,  which  otherwise  must,  in  all  probability,  have  been 
laid  waste  by  an  embittered  and  relentless  enemy. 

In   consequence  of  the    knowledge  Governor  Shirley  had 


Governor  Shirley. 


27 


that  this  French  armada  was  hovering  on  the  coast,  he  could 
not  uncover  the  important  points  on  the  sea-coast  until  assured 
that  the  danger  was  past.  When  he  had  the  positive  intelli- 
gence that  the  armada  was  so  severely  handled  by  tempests  and 
disease  as  not  to  be  feared,  the  season  was  so  far  advanced  that 
the  invasion  of  Canada,  as  originally  ordered  by  the  home 
government,  could  not  be  prudently  undertaken.  And  above 
all,  the  men  of  war  from  England,  which  were  to  cooperate, 
had  not  appeared.  To  turn  the  services  of  a  great  body  of 
men,  which  had  been  raised  for  the  Canada  expedition,  to  some 
iccount,  one  against  Crown  Point  was  suggested.  This  was 
agreed  to  by  the  other  colonies,  Connecticut  and  New  York ; 
but  owing  to  the  lateness  of  the  season,  and  their  tardy  move- 
ments, nothing  was  efFedted. 

Will  it  any  longer  be  alleged  that  the  Canada  expedition  of 
1746  was  a  Quixotic  one,  for  the  failure  of  which  Governor 
Shirley  was  alone  responsible?  When  every  one  can  assure 
himself  that  Gov.  Shirley,  as  did  the  other  governors  of  the 
other  provinces,  received  the  ** express  commands"  of  his  ma- 
jesty, through  his  prime  minister  of  course,  that  *'men  be 
forthwith  raised  "  for  that  expedition ;  that  owing  to  the  failure 
of  support  in  due  season,  as  already  remarked,  the  main  de- 
sign could  not  be  entered  upon ;  it  was  therefore  hoped,  as  the 
New  England  men  raised  for  the  reduction  of  Canada  were 
already  in  the  field,  something  might  be  effected  with  them 
against  Crown  Point  before  the  winter  should  set  in.  With 
this  take/\into  view,  that  every  part  of  the  frontier  was  beset 
by  the  enemy,  now  at  liberty  from  the  overthrow  of  their 
armada,  to  operate  with  which  they  had  been  kept  in  readiness 
during  the  summer.  Now,  even  Albany  was  in  iti<-  peril  that 
lid  safely  venture  a  quarter  of  a  \mw     om  its  gar- 


1 


one 


28 


Governor  Shirley, 


I  ) 


I! 


risons.*  It  was  from  this  perilous  condition  of  t*''^  country 
that  Gov.  Shirley,  with  the  promised  assistance  of  New  York 
and  Conne£licut,  strove  night  and  day  to  relieve  the  people. 
Everybody  then  well  understood  that  Crown  Point  was  the 
great  hive  whence  issued  the  principal  war  parties  of  the 
enemy ;  that  there  was  their  magazine  of  provisions,  arms  and 
ammunition;  that  there  they  retreated  and  replenished  after 
every  expedition  against  the  frontiers ;  and  therefore  an  effort 
should  be  at  once  made  to  break  up  that  horde  of  assassins ; 
that  until  it  should  be  broken  up,  no  relief  of  a  substantial 
charafter  could  be  expefted.  The  object  was  manifestly 
worthy  of  an  extraordinary  effort,  and  was  entered  into  with 
zeal.  New  Hampshire  agreed  to  furnish  looo  men,  Con- 
nefticut  6oo,  and  Rhode  Island  400,  to  be  joined  with  the 
2000  ready  in  Massachusetts.  Why  it  was  not  attempted  to  be 
carried  into  efFeA,  has  already  been  explained. 

Detractors  of  Gov.  Shirley's  reputation,  some  time  after 
the  Cape  Breton  expedition,  put  in  circulation  a  report  that 
before  the  capture  of  Louisbourg  he  uniformly  spoke  of  the 
undertaking,  in  his  speeches  to  the  General  Court,  as  "their 
expedition,"  and  after  the  place  was  taken,  as  "my  expedi- 
tion," as  though  he  intended,  in  case  of  failure,  to  shirk  all 
responsibility.  We  have  failed  to  find  any  such  expressions ; 
and,  on  the  other  hand,  we  have  found  a  straightforward  man- 


'*'  The  enemy  had  become  lo  elated  by 
success,  that  marauding  parties,  when 
protected  by  the  night,  had  even  ven- 
tured into  the  suburbs  of  the  city,  and 
there  laid  in  wait  to  take  prisoners. 
One  of  the  enemy's  Indians  was  peculi- 
arly expert  in  enterprises  of  this   kind, 


and  had  seldom  failed  in  securing  and 
carrying  off  his  prey,  even  from  within 
the  confines  of  the  city  of  Albany.  An 
Indian  named  Tomonivi lemon  had  become 
noted  for  such  exploits.  Smith's  Ntw 
Tori,  Continuation,  481. 


■  t"^t?(t1*r"t»VVff  "> 


Governor  Shirley. 


29 


liness  in  that  and  all  other  of  his  proceedings,  of  which  any 
honorable  man  might  be  proud.* 

With  a  few  fadts  respe£ting  the  personal  history  of  Go- 
vernor Shirley,  this  notice  will  be  closed. 

The  exa£l  date  of  the  arrival  of  Mr.  Shirley  in  New  Eng- 
land has  not  been  met  with.  It  is  said  to  have  been  six  or  eight 
years  previous  to  his  appointment  as  governor  of  Massachu- 
setts. Hence  he  came  probably  between  the  years  1733  and 
1735,  as  he  was  one  of  the  original  subscribers  to  Prince's 
iAnnals^  which  was  published  in  1736.  His  family  appears  not 
to  have  come  over  until  after  his  appointment  as  governor, 
in  1 741.  His  wife,  it  is  said,  did  not  join  him  here  till  after 
the  latter  date,  but  continued  in  England,  using  her  endeavors 
to  obtain  for  him  the  office  of  colle<ftor  of  the  port  of  Boston, 
which  to  him  was  preferable  to  the  governorship;  but  Mr., 
afterwards  Sir  Henry,  Frankland,  secured  that  place. 

We  have  in  another  workf  had  occasion  to  give  a  sketch 
of  the  origin  of  the  family  from  which  Governor  Shirley 
descended,  and  will  therefore  not  be  particular  on  that  head  in 
this  place.  Suffice  it  to  say  that  he  was  descended  from  a  Sus- 
sex family,  was  son  of  William  Shirley  of  London,  by  Eliza- 
beth, daughter  of  John  Goodman.  Mr.  Shirley  died  in  1701, 
when  our  William  was  but  seven  years  of  age.  He  married 
Frances,  daughter  of  Francis  Baker,  of  London,  by  whom  he 
had  William,  mortally  wounded  with  Gen.  Braddock  at  the 
Monongahela,  in  1755;  John,  a  captain  in  the  army,  died  at 
Oswego;  Thomas,  born  in  Boston,  governor  of  the  Leeward 
Iflands,  a  major-general  in  the  army,  a  baronet  in  1786,  died 
in  1800.  Of  the  daughters,  Elizabeth  married  Eliakim 
Hutchinson ;   Frances  married  William   Bollan,  the  king's  ad- 

*  See  Appendix,  A.  f  History  and  Antiquititi  of  Boiton. 


i }  ' 


!i' 


30 


Governor  Shirley. 


t  ^    :i 


vocate  in  the  court  of  vice  admiralty  in  Massachusetts.  She 
died  March  21st,  1744,  in  her  24th  year,  in  giving  birth  to 
her  first  child.  Harriet  married  Robert  Temple,  Esq. ;  Maria 
Catharine  married  John  Erving,  Esq.,  of  Boston,  who,  at  one 
period,  resided  in  Milk  street.* 

In  the  midst  of  his  great  cares  and  anxieties  Governor 
Shirley  lost  his  wife,  a  lady  held  in  great  esteem  by  all 
classes  of  the  community.  She  died  on  the  31st  of  August, 
1746,  and  was  interred  in  King's  Chapel,  September  4th  fol- 
lowing, where  a  monument  with  an  elaborate  inscription  in- 
forms us  that  she  was  born  in  London  in  1692,  that  she  had 
four  sons  and  five  daughters,  and  that  she  was  '^the  perfect 
love  and  delight  of  this  province."  f  Dr.  Colman  preached 
a  sermon  on  the  occasion  of  her  death,  which  was  printed. 
The  Rev.  Mr.  Commissary  Price,  of  King's  Chapel,  had  also 
preached  *'a  sermon  very  suitable  to  the  mournful  occasion." 

At  one  period,  probably  before  he  was  appointed  governor, 
Mr.  Shirley  lived  in  what  was  then  King  street.  On  assuming 
the  gubernatorial  chair  he,  as  was  the  custom  of  the  govern- 
ors of  the  province,  resided  in  the  Province  House,  nearly 
opposite  the  head  of  Milk  street.  Some  time  after  he  became 
governor,  he  purchased  a  tra<^  of  land  in  Roxbury,  adjacent 
to  the  line  dividing  it  from  Dorchester;  on  this  he  eredled 
an  elegant  mansion,  some  twenty-five  rods  from  the  main 
road,  which  stood  in  all  its  ancient  grandeur  until  about  1867. 
It  then  was  purchased  by  William  Elliot  Woodward,  Esq., 
and  converted  into  several  dwellings.  For  many  years  it  was 
known  as  the  Eustis  estate,  it  having  been  owned  and  occupied 


i!   i 


.    *  To  a  descendant,  Mr.  Shibley  Iit-     which  the  copy  accompanying  the  work  is 

iNO  of  Boston,  I  am  indebted  for  the  loan     obtained. 

of  a  portrait  of  Governor  Shirley,  from         fSeefai/.  News  Letter,  ii  Sep.,  1746. 


mm^emm^^ 


Governor  Shirley. 


31 


by  Governor  William  Eustis }  from  which  latter  circumstance 
the  main  avenue  leading  thence  to  Boston  is  named  Eustis 
street,  but  with  much  greater  propriety  would  have  been  called 
Shirley  street.  Unfortunately  propriety  is  seldom  considered  in 
conferring  names  in  and  about  Boston.  After  the  death  of 
Gov.  Shirley  the  estate  appears  to  have  belonged  to  his  son-in- 
law,  Eliakim  Hutchinson,  who,  having  left  the  country  in  the 
time  of  the  Revolution,  it  was  confiscated  to  the  state,  and  it 
was  used  to  quarter  soldiers  in  while  the  British  troops  held 
possession  of  Boston.  After  the  Revolution  (about  1 793  or  '4) 
one  Dubuque  occupied  it,  a  refugee  from  the  French  revolu- 
tion. He  brought  with  him  a  cook  named  Julien,  who  after- 
wards became  celebrated  in  Boston  as  an  eating-house  keeper, 
or  restaurateur^  at  the  corner  of  Congress  and  Milk  streets. 


11 


v:;-';^'-  r- 


m 


i.l  ill 


—J ,.  ..    ..A- 


m 


CHAPTER    III 


ChiraAcr  of  the  Warfare  of  the  Period  —  Proceedingi  of  the  Ciovernor  of  Canada  —  French 
Account  of  £'xpe<lllioni  afainit  the  Engliih  r'rontlert —  French  Story  of  their  Wrongi. 

HE  mode  of  warfare  practiced  in  the 
times  of  which  the  history  is  now 
undertaken,  exhibits  all  parties  in  a 
state  of  deplorable  barbarism.  This 
war  was  but  little  more  than  one 
hundred  years  ago.  It  was  carried 
on,  especially  on  the  part  of  the 
French,  as  though  humanity  had  no 
place  in  the  nature  of  their  rulers.  They  fitted 
out  hundreds  of  parties  of  savages  for  the  ex- 
press purpose  of  proceeding  to  the  frontiers  of  the 
English  settlements,  shooting  down  poor  men  while 
tilling  their  fields  to  raise  crops  to  support  their  families,  seizing 
their  wives  and  children,  loading  them  with  heavy  packs 
plundered  from  their  own  homes,  then  driving  them  before  them 
into  the  wilderness.  These,  when  faint  with  hunger  and  unable 
longer  to  stagger  under  their  burdens,  were  murdered,  their 
scalps  torn  off  and  exhibited  to  their  civilized  masters  on  their 
arrival  at  French  headquarters !  And  for  such  trophies  bounties 
were  paid ! 

Thus,  year  after  year  this  practice  went  on.  Many  read  the 
history  of  these  wars  as  they  read  a  romance.  It  is  no  ro- 
mance. It  was  an  awful  reality  to  thousands.  It  should  be 
so  far  realized  by  every  one,  that  all  who  read  may  have  a  true 
sense  of  what  their  homes,  now  so  pleasant,  have  cost. 


U\  t 


French  Management. 


33 


It  was  an  easy  thing  for  Europeans  to  gain  the  confidence  of 
savage  Indians.  This  done,  it  was  quite  as  easy  a  matter  to 
impose  upon  them.  When  Europeans  were  at  war  among 
themselves,  each  party  could  gain  to  itself  numbers  of  Indians 
by  presents  and  falsehoods.  The  French  made  the  Indians 
believe  that  the  English  had  cheated  them  in  trade,  had  taken 
their  lands  without  giving  them  any  equivalent,  and  thus  made 
them  believe  that  they  ought  to  drive  them  out  of  the  country. 
The  English  did  the  same  thing,  but  not  to  so  great  an  extent, 
for  they  never  could  make  themselves  such  favorites  with  the 
Indians  as  the  French  could,  for  reasons  not  now  necessary  to 
be  stated.* 

As  early  as  the  13th  of  October,  1743,  the  Governor- 
General  of  Canada,  M.  de  Beauharnois,  wrote  to  Count  Mau- 
repas,  the  French  minister  at  Versailles :  "  The  Lake  of  the 
Two  Mountains  may  be  regarded  as  the  place  which  would  be 
exposed  to  the  first  attack  in  case  of  rupture  with  our  neighbors, 
and  as  that  whence  aid  could  be  easily  drawn  for  the  different 
incursions  which  would  be  made  into  that  colony.  The  nations 
composing  the  three  villages,  number  over  three  hundred  war- 
riors, who  to  bravery  conjoin  a  strong  attachment  towards  the 
French,  and  whatever  is  connected  with  the  service  of  the  king 
in  whose  name  all  business  among  them  is  transacted.  Situated 
as  they  are,  at  the  head  of  the  towns  and  rural  settlements  of 
the  colony,  not  only  are  they  in  a  position  to  offer  the  first 


f 


ff  \ 


Is  \ 


'( 


ji  '?; 


*  That  by  the  intemMrrying  with  the 
Indians,  they  have  always  a  great  number 
of  Jesuits  and  priests  with  them  ;  and  by 
instrudling  them  that  the  Saviour  of  the 
world  was  a  Frenchman,  and  murdered 
by  the  English,  they  are  excited  to  commit 


all  manner  of  cruelties  upon  the  English, 
as  meritorious.  Jeremi.''h  Dumner's  Me- 
morial to  Ministry  of  England.  1 710,  in 
The  Importance,  etc.,  of  Cape  Breton,  pp. 
18,  19.  Dr.  Cotton  Mather  has  lome- 
thing  very  similar  in  his  Magnalia. 


mm 


mm 


34 


Population  of  Canada. 


w> 


resistance,  hut  also  to  discover  any  parties  of  Indians  in  alliance 
with  the  English,  and  to  put  us  on  our  guard  against  them." 

Hence  a  comparison  of  the  condition  of  the  two  countries  is 
not  difficult  Co  be  made,  which  cannot  fail  to  show  that  the 
French  of  Canada  had  a  most  decided  advantage  over  the 
English  colonies  in  a  war  of  that  period.  They  had  nearly  all 
the  Indians  on  their  side,  while  the  English  none,  or  too  few  to 
be  taken  into  the  account. 

The  French  population  of  Canada  at  this  period  must  be 
considered.  Ten  years  previous  (1734)  there  were  8000  men 
able  to  bear  arms,  of  which  yumber  6600  had  arms,  and  there 
were  on  hand  then  about  100,000  pounds  of  powder.  Not 
only  had  the  number  of  men  greatly  increased  by  the  year  1 744, 
but  the  quantity  of  warlike  stores  had,  it  is  reasonable  to 
suppose,  increased  proportionably ;  fortifications,  too,  had 
been  increased  in  number,  and  old  ones  repaired,  and  their 
armaments  augmented.  On  the  27th  of  March,  1745,  Go- 
vernor Clinton  wrote  to  the  Duke  of  Newcastle,  that  he  had 
ascertained  that  the  French  forces  in  Canada  were  nearly  thus : 
Militia,  Indians,  and  regular  troops,  on  the  St.  Lawrence,  ten 
to  thirteen  thousand  able  to  bear  arr..s }  thirty-two  companies  of 
regulars  of  thirty  men  each,  these  companies  not  being  half 
full.  The  Indians  numbered  five  hundred  and  seventy,  exclu- 
sive of  allies  at  a  distance,  namely — "  Cackna wages,  about  two 
hundred  and  thirty ; 'Conessetagoes,  sixty;  Attenkins,  thirty; 
Neperinks,  thirty ;  Missiquecks,  forty ;  Abenaques  at  St.  Fran- 
cis, ninety ;  Obinacks  at  Be^ancourt,  fifty ;  Hurons  at  Lorette, 
forty"* 

The  population  of  Massachusetts  was,  at  the  same  time, 
scarcely   200,000  souls;    about  equal  to  that  of  the  city  of 

*  The  reader  may  find  it  rather  difficult  to  identify  lome  of  these  tribes. 


»  1 

* 

1    ' 

'■-•^—- - .l-v.~»....^- 

l.      . 

mmKm»E^-riMmmji 

.™«r»r-m«-  -^w.tw.-.T-9»w>w«»«f*ir 


iiOT^Wf4*WW|Wii'|-i. 


*.»;,. ~_ 


Population  of  New  England. 


35 


Boston  alone  at  this  time.  The  other  three  colonies,  New 
Hampshire,  Rhode  Island,  and  Connefticut,  did  not  probably 
contain  more  than  Massachusetts;  so  that  in  New  England,  in 
1744,  the  whole  number  of  people  may  have  been  something 
under  400,000.  Connecticut  was  next  in  importance  to  Massa- 
chusetts, containing  about  half  as  many  people,  and  New 
Hampshire  about  30,000,  and  Rhode  Island  about  one  thousand 
less  than  New  Hampshire. 

It  is  in  the  next  place  proposed  to  give  a  specimen  of  the 
French  accounts  of  their  operations  in  Canada  for  fitting  and 
sending  out  parties  to  distress  the  frontiers  of  New  England, 
from  their  headquarters  at  Montreal. 

It  should  be  remembered  that  French  dates  differ  from  the 
English;  that  is  to  say,  the  dates  of  the  same  transactions 
which  happened  on  the  same  day,  differ  by  eleven  days,  because 
the  French  dated  by  the  Grego.ian  reform  of  the  calendar, 
which  the  English  did  not  adopt  until  1752.  Therefore,  when 
an  action  is  said  by  a  French  writer  to  have  happene''  1 
August  3d,  1746,  an  English  writer  would  date  the  same  event 
eleven  days  earlier,  namely,  July  23d.   -     . 

When  the  great  number  of  murdering  and  robbing  parties 
sent  out  from  time  to  time  by  the  French  is  considered,  it  is 
not  a  little  surprising  that  they  did  not  do  more  mischief  than 
they  did.  It  is  indeed  surprising  that  anything  was  left  unde- 
stroyed  on  all  the  frontiers,  from  one  end  of  the  country  to  the 
other.     Those  details  thus  commence : 

**  December  30th,  Lieut.  St.  Pierre  left  Montreal  with  a 
detachment,  consisting  of  two  lieutenants,  two  ensigns,  on  full 
pay,  four  second  ensigns,  seven  cadets,  one  surgeon,  and  an 
interpreter,  three  volunteers  and  one  hundred  and  five  colonists, 
making  in  all  one  hundred  and  twenty-six   Frenchmen,  and 


I 


36 


French  Expeditions. 


m 


thirty-seven  Iroquois  and  Nepissings,  to  encamp  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  St.  Frederick,  for  the  purpose  of  opposing  the 
enemy's  attack  against  said  fort." 

Fort  St.  Frederic  was  at  Crown  Point,  and  by  the  English 
called  Fort  Frederick.  The  place  had  been  previously  called 
Point  dt  Cheveuxy  by  the  French. 

"  1 746,  January  24,  Sieur  St.  Luc  de  la  Come  was  sent  to 
reinforce  Sieur  de  St.  Pierre,  with  a  detachment  of  one  second 
ensign,  six  cadets,  two  volunteers,  one  hundred  colonists 
thirty  Iroquois,  who  have  remained  under  Mr.  de  St.  Pierre's 
orders  until  the  ist  of  April,  when  they  arrived  in  this  town, 
after  having  made  divers  scouts  on  Lake  Sacrament  and  in  the 
neighborhood  of  the  above  fort. 

"January  31,  Capt.  Desabrevois  has  been  detached  with 
Chevalier  de  Nivcrville,  ensign  and  fifty-three  Iroquois,  to  the 
South  river,  in  Lake  Champlain,  on  occasion  of  an  alarm. 

"March  16,  Chevalier  de  Niverville,  officer,  and  Sieur 
Groschesne  Raimbault,  cadet,  left  this  town  with  some  Ab- 
naquis  Indians,  on  their  way  towards  Boston,  and  returned  with 
some  scalps  and  prisoners,  one  of  whom  he  took  with  his  own 
hand.  Sieur  Duplessis  Jr.,  an  officer,  started  at  the  same  time 
with  six  Algonkins  and  Nepissings  in  the  same  direction,  and 
joined  the  preceding  party,  with  whom  he  returned,  bringing  in 
a  prisoner  who  was  captured  at  the  same  time. 

"April  20,  a  party  of  fourteen  Iroquois,  belonging  to  the 
Sault  St.  Louis,  commanded  by  Ontassago,  the  son  of  the 
grand  chief  of  that  village,  who  sojourned  at  Fort  St.  Frederic, 
and  made  several  scouts  to  Sarasteau  [Saratoga]. 

"  Theganacoeiessin,  an  Iroquois  of  the  Sault,  left  with  two 
Indians  of  that  village,  to  go  to  war  near  Boston.  They 
returned  with  two  prisoners  and  some  scalps. 


l! 


mmsm.''^m>>:'i^!<':*A^t'^^'>'i-!'p^'t-'^^ 


French  Expeditions. 


w 


^,-~: 


"Thesaotin,  chief  of  the  Sault,  left  with  twenty-two  war- 
riors belonging  to  that  village,  to  make  war  in  the  diredtion  of 
Boston.  They  returned  with  some  scalps.  One  Iroquois  was 
killed  and  two  wounded  of  the  party. 

*'Ganiengoton,  chief  of  a  party  of  eight  Iroquois,  belonging 
to  the  Sault,  set  out  in  the  diredtion  of  Boston,  and  returned 
with  two  scalps. 

*' April  26,  a  party  of  thirty-five  Iroquois  warriors,  belonging 
to  the  Sault,  set  out.  They  have  been  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Orange  [Albany]  and  have  made  some  prisoners  and  taken 
some  scalps.  .        . 

"A  party  of  twenty  Abenakisof  Missiskouy,  set  out  towards 
Boston  and  brought  in  some  prisoners  and  scalps. 

"  April  27,  a  party  of  six  Iroquois  of  the  Sault  St.  Louis 
struck  a  blow  in  the  neighborhood  of  Orange. 

"May  7,  six  Nepissings  started  to  strike  a  bl  in  the 
diredtion  of  Boston,  and  returned  with  some  scalps. 

"May  10,  Gatienoude,  an  Iroquois  of  the  Five  Nations, 
who  has  been  settled  at  the  lake  for  two  or  three  years,  left 
with  five  Indians  of  that  village,  and  Sieur  St.  Blein,  to  strike 
a  blow  in  the  neighborhood  of  Orange.  This  small  party 
brought  in  one  prisoner.  Gatienoude,  the  leacer  of  the  party, 
is  killed  and  scalped  by  the  English  on  the  field  of  battle. 

"May  12,  six  Iroquois  Indians  of  the  Sault  set  out  towards 
Boston,  and  returned  with  some  scalps. 

"May  15,  ten  Indians,  part  Iroquois  of  the  Sault,  and  part 
Abenakis,  set  out  to  strike  a  blow  in  the  diredtion  of  Boston. 
They  made  an  attack  and  brought  away  some  scalps. 

"May  17,  thirty-one  Iroquois,  belonging  to  the  Lake  of  the 
Two  Mountains,*  struck  a  blow  in  the  neighborhood  of  Boston, 

*  Near  the  mouth  of  the  Ottawaa  river,  about  nine  milet  below  Montreal. 


rtmm 


38 


French  Expeditions. 


ii     ! 


and  brought  back  some  prisoners  and  scalps,  and  laid  waste 
several  settlements  on  their  way  back. 

"May  18,  ten  Nepissings  left,  who  struck  a  blow  towards 
Boston. 

"  A  party  of  eight  Iroquois  belonging  to  the  Sault  has  been 
fitted  out,  and  has  been  to  make  an  attack  in  the  same  diredtion. 

^'May  22,  nineteen  Iroquois  belonging  to  Sault  St.  Louis, 
have  been  equipped.  They  have  been  to  strike  a  blow  in  the 
diredlion  of  Orange. 

"May  24,  a  party  of  eight  Abenakis  of  Missiskouy,  has 
been  fitted  out,  who  have  been  in  the  direction  of  Corlard,  and 
have  returned  with  some  prisoners  and  scalps."  By  Corlard  is 
probably  meant  Corlaer's  kill  below  Albany. 

"May  27,  equipped  a  party  of  eight  Iroquois  of  Sault  St. 
Louis,  which  struck  a  blow  near  Orange,  and  brought  back  six 
scalps. 

May  28,  a  party  of  twelve  Nepissings,  who  made  an  attack 
in  the  neighborhood  of  Boston,  have  brought  away  four  scalps, 
and  one  prisoner  whom  they  killed  on  the  road,  as  he  became 
furious  and  refused  to  march. 

**  A  party  of  Abenakis  of  Missiskouy,  struck  a  blow  near 
Orange  and  Corlard,*  and  brought  in  some  prisoners  and  scalps. 

*'  Equipped  a  party  of  ten  Iroquois  and  Abenakis,  who  joined 
together  to  strike  a  blow  towards  Boston,  and  returned  with 
some  scalps.  i>       ■* 

**  June  2,  equipped  a  party  of  tw>nty-fivc  warriors  of  the 
Sault,  and  three  Flatheads,  who  joined  the  fc-Taer  '1^  za  expe- 
dition to  the  neighborhood  of  Orange,  and  who  returned  with 
some  scalps. 

*  Corlasr'i  creek,  twenty-eight  milei  below  Albany  ? 


m 


r    ■ 

II 


•;  ! 


''!r?>f' 


French  Expeditions, 


39 


i( 


^June  3,  equipped  a  party  of  eighteen  Nepissings,  who 
struck  a  blow  at  Orange  and  Curlard. 

^*  June  4,  equipped  a  party  of  sixteen  Iroquois  of  the  Sault, 
who  return  to  where  they  have  already  struck  a  blow. 

*' June  5,  equipped  a  party  of  eleven  Nepissings  and  Algon- 
kins,  who  have  struck  a  blow  in  the  neighborhood  of  Boston, 
and  have  brought  in  some  prisoners.  ,      • 

**June  6,  equipped  a  party  of  seventeen  Nepissings,  who 
have  struck  a  blow  in  the  direction  of  Boston,  and  brought 
back  some  scalps.     These  Indians  have  had  two  wounded. 

"June  8,  equipped  a  party  of  eight  Iroquois  of  the  lake, 
who  have  struck  a  blow  near  Guerrefille.* 

*' June  12,  equipped  a  party  of  ten  Abenakis  Indians,  who 
struck  a  blow  in  the  diredion  of  Boston. 

"June  13,  equipped  a  party  of  six  of  the  same  Indians,  who 
made  an  attack  in  the  dire<Aion  of  Boston. 

"Equipped  a  party  of  nine  Nepissings  and  Algonkins,  who 
have  struck  a  blow  in  the  Boston  country.  One  of  these  In- 
dians was  wounded.      ..?-    ■■^.x•■i/^.^.'^•^•<•^k■c^:,y^;  ;:-::-,.:■,  :-..  :-,j^:- ■■'.::::■  -,.. 

"June  17,  equipped  a  party  of  ten  Abenakis,  who  went  to 
make  an  attack  at  the  river  Kakecoutef,  and  were  defeated  near 
a  fort;  their  chief,  Cadenaret,  a  famous  warrior,  has  been 
killed ;  the  remainder  returned  with  some  scalps,  and  left  others 
which  they  were  not  able  to  bring  away,  the  dead  having 
remained  too  near  the  fort. 

**  June  19,  equipped  a  party  of  twenty-five  Indians  of  the 
Sault  St.  Louis,  who  struck  a  blow  near  Orange.     One  or  two 


-''e 


*  Perhaps  a  Kttleinent  at  or  near  the  but  giret  no  reason  fbr  it. 

mouth    of    Oreen    river,    then     called  f  Probably  the  Dutch  fbrt  at  Schaghti- 

Oreen't  Farms.     The  editor  of  the  Ntw  coke,  which  was  on  the  Hoosuc  river. 

York  Col.  Doc's,  X,  33,  calls  it  Dwrfieid,  See  August  10,  1746. 


iWPi^^!f«lP 


wmm 


tmrnm 


HMI 


'.i  ■.■;„,;  ;[.t/; 


40 


French  Expeditions. 


of  these   Indians  were  wounded;    they   brought   away   some 
scalps. 

"June  20,  equipped  a  party  of  nineteen  Iroquois  of  the  Sault 
St.  Louis,  who  went  to  Orange  to  strike  a  blow. 

"June  21,  equipped  a  party  of  twenty-seven  Iroquois  of  the 
same  village  to  go  to  Orange ;  Sieur  Carqueville,  an  officer,  and 
Sieur  Blein,  a  cadet,  have  been  of  this  party,  which  has  brought 
in  a  prisoner  that  was  on  the  scout  to  Sarasteau  [Saratoga],  and 
some  scalps.  ■■'."''■ 

"July  16,  Lieutenant  Demuy  left  this  town  with  a  detach- 
ment under  his  orders,  consisting  of  five  ensigns,  six  officers  of 
militia,  ten  cadets,  forty-eight  settlers,  and  about  four  hundred 
Indians,  partly  our  domiciled  Indians,  and  partly  some  from  the 
upper  country.  This  party  tarried  at  Fort  St.  Frederic,  and 
has  been  employed  scouting,  and  working  on  the  river  au 
Chicot,  where  they  have  felled  the  trees  on  both  sides  to  render 
its  navigation  impradiicable  to  our  enemies.  Several  of  these 
Indians  have  formed  parties  and  been  out  on  excursions,  Mr. 
Demuy  having  been  ordered  to  wait  for  the  party  commanded 
by  Mr.  de  Rigaud,  whom  he  joined. 

"August  3,  Mr.  de  Rigaud  de  Vaudreuil  set  out  [on  his 
expedition  which  resulted  in  the  capture  of  Fort  Massachusetts, 
extracted  in  that  account  further  on]. 

"August  31,  equipped  a  party  of  Iroquois  of  the  Sault,  con- 
sisting of  six  men.  Also  a  party  of  eight  warriors  from  the 
same  tribe,  from  whom  no  report  was  had  when  the  dispatch 
was  made  up." 

Such  is  a  sample  of  the  manner  pursued  towards  the  people 
of  the  frontiers,  and  this  was  called  making  war  for  the  interest 
of  the  French  nation !  Retaliation  in  the  same  kind  was  ex- 
pected, and  would  have  been  justified  as  honorable  warfare  ^ 


^i     ! 


Indians  with  the  French. 


41 


but,  as  will  be  seen,  the  people  of  New  England  were  not  pre- 
pared for  retaliation,  and  never  efFe<Sled  but  very  little  in  that 
kind  of  service. 

The  following  minutes  accompany  the  French  record  of  ex- 
peditions for  the  years  1745  and  1746:  "June  30,  thirty-eight 
Iroquois  of  the  Five  Nations  came  to  speak  in  council.  July  23, 
thirty-one  Outawois  of  Detroit,  some  of  whom  returned  home, 
being  unwilling  to  go  to  war;  sixteen  Wild  Rice  (FoUes 
Avoines) ;  fourteen  Kiskakons  of  Detroit,  who  gave  proofs  of 
their  fidelity  to  the  French,  and  who  have  all  been  to  war ; 
four  Sioux  came  to  the  council  to  demand  a  commandant,  who 
could  not  be  granted  them.  August  2,  fifty  Poutewatamies ; 
fifteen  Puans  and  ten  Illinois  came  to  go  to  war ;  five  Outa- 
wois of  Michilimakinac,  and  forty  Outawois  of  the  Forks  who 
have  been  on  the  war  path.  Aug.  10,  sixty-five  Mississaguez 
from  the  head  of  Lake  Ontario;  eighty  Algonkins  and  Ne- 
pissings  from  Lake  Nepissing,  near  Lake  Huron,  who  have 
been  to  war;  fourteen  Sauteurs  came  with  the  Outawois  from 
Michilimakinak,  to  go  to  war.  22  Aug.,  thirty-eight  Outawois 
of  Detroit,  seventeen  Sauteurs,  twenty-four  Hurons,  and  four- 
teen Poutewatamis ;  a  portion  of  all  these  who  came  on  the 
last  date  were  of  Mr.  Rigaud's  detachment"  [at  the  taking  of 
Fort  Massachusetts]. 

It  is  true  the  French  had  their  story  of  wrongs,  and  their 
complaints  should  be  heard  and  their  accounts  brought  to  the 
same  test  as  our  own.  Therefore  a  few  of  their  charges  have 
been  selected,  and  will  now  be  introduced.  '   ■  *'  V:     '  * 

Towards  the  end  of  December,  1744,  the  English  com- 
mitted the  following  treacherous  a£ts  and  barbarities.  M.  Ga- 
non,  having  the  command  of  a  detachment  of  English  troops, 
was  sent  to  observe  the  retreat  of  the  French  and  savages  before 


^r 


■4 


n 


'ii 


"\ 


''!W?^i''r!TS&f*\ 


mmmm 


i 


42 


French  Complaints. 


I 


I 


Port  Royal  in  Acadia,  where  he  found  two  lonely  cottages  of 
the  Mikmaks.  In  them  were  five  women  and  three  children, 
and  two  of  the  women  v.'ere  big  with  child ;  but,  regardless  of 
these  things,  they  plundered  the  cottages  and  inhumanly  butch- 
ered the  five  women  and  two  children,  committing  a£ts  upon 
the  murdered  women  too  revolting  for  recital. 

No  Z&.  corresponding  to  this  is  found  in  the  English  annals ; 
nor  have  we  found,  among  those  engaged  on  the  pide  of  the 
English,  any  one  of  the  name  of  Ganon.  The  only  name 
approaching  it  is  that  of  Gorham;  but  though  Capt.  Gorham 
was  employed  in  expeditions  to  Nova  Scotia,  at  the  head  of  a 
body  of  Cape  Cod  Indians,  we  do  not  meet  with  him  there  till 
some  time  after  this.     "     ^    •  >  . 

The  next  count  in  the  French  charges  (though  they  say  it 
happened  five  months  before  the  other)  is  against  "one  David," 
captain  of  an  English  privateer,  who  having  artfully  set  up 
French  colors  in  the  strait  of  Frousac,  or  Frowsack,*  where, 
by  means  of  a  renegade  who  served  under  him  as  interpreter, 
inveigled  the  chief  of  the  Indians  of  Cape  Breton,  and  his 
family,  to  come  on  board  his  ship.  The  name  of  the  chief  was 
James  Padenuque.  They  confined  him  in  a  dungeon,  carried 
him  to  Boston,  and  in  the  end  stifled  him  in  a  vessel  on  board  of 
which  he  was  put  under  pretence  of  sending  him  back  to  his 
own  country.  With  this  chief  his  son  was  taken,  eight  years 
of  age.  Him  they  kept,  and  would  not  restore,  perfidiously 
refusing  to  do  so,  notwithstanding  his  ransom  had  been  paid  by 
the  restoration  of  several  prisoners.  < 

All  this  may  be  true,  though  nothing  like  it  has  found  its  way 
into  authentic  records,  that  we  can  recognize.     As  to  "one 

*  Called  on  Charlevoix's  Map,  Pastagt  at  the  Gut  of  Canto,  separating  Novi 
du  Canctau.     By  the  Engliah  it  ia  known     Scotia  from  Cape  Breton. 


t  ■  i>. 


I 


French  Complaints. 


David,"  it  possibly  has  reference  to  Capt.  David  Donahew, 
with  whom  we  shall  presently  meet.  ,  ,     ,. 

In  the  month  of  July,  1745,  "the  same  David"  got  by 
stratagem  an  Indian  family  into  his  hands,  but  they  escaped 
*'the  very  night  they  were  taken."  At  the  same  time  they 
took  the  Indian  interpreter,  named  Bartholomew  Petitpas,  and 
carried  him  prisoner  to  Boston,  refused  all  oiFers  of  ransom, 
and  finally  put  him  to  death. 

In  the  same  year  (1745)  a  priest,  missionary  among  the 
Indians,  was  invited  to  Louisbourg  by  some  of  the  principal 
English  officers  to  confer  upon  public  matters.  He  had  their 
letters  guaranteeing  his  safe  return ;  but,  when  he  was  in  the 
power  of  the  English,  they  took  him  and  sent  him  to  England. 

Also,  in  the  same  year,  at  Port  Toulouse,*  they  dug  up  the 
dead  bodies  of  several  Indians  and  burnt  them.  They  likewise 
desecrated  places  of  burial,  by  breaking  down  all  the  crosses. 
This  was  the  work  of  some  inhabitants  of  Boston. 

**The  horrid  affair  of  1746,"  of  selling  the  Indians  woolen 
goods,  "all  poisoned,"  so  that,  in  the  basin  of  Mejagonche,t 
upwards  of  two  hundred  of  them  died,  is  probably  wholly  an 
invention,  and  has  reference  to  the  clothes  of  dead  mariners 
distributed  amongst  the  Cape  Sable  Indians  by  French  naval 
officers,  of  which  mention  will  be  found  elsewhere  in  this 
history. 

The  next  and  last  charge  to  be  noticed  here,  is,  that  in  1 749, 
towards  the  end  of  the  month  of  July,  when  the  inhabitants  of 
New  France  were  strangers  to  the  suspension  of  arms,  the 


i  y 


■S 


*  Formerly  called  Port   St.  Peter,  on         f  Perhaps  the  tame  ai  that  called  on 

the  coast  of  Cape  Breton,  jvist  at  the  en-  Charlevoix's  Map,  MaganckineAe,  and  on 

trance  of  the  Strait  of  Frousac.     Amtr.  some  English  maps,  MerlignatA,  on  the 

Ga».,  lamo,  1776.       ^  ,'  southern  coast  of  Acadia. 


11 


44 


French  Accusations. 


Indians  had  taken  some  prisoners  on  Newfoundland.  These 
prisoners  informed  their  captors  of  the  peace,  and  were  at  once 
liberated,  treated  as  brethren,  and  entertained  in  their  wigwams. 
Yet,  on  the  first  opportunity,  these  perfidious  guests,  at  mid> 
night,  murdered  five  and  twenty  of  these  iimocent  and  un- 
suspecting people !      •   '    ' 

These  accusations  or  charges  are  the  substance  of  speeches 
delivered  to  the  eastern  Indians  by  the  Count  de  Raymond,  to 
inflame  them  to  prosecute  the  war. 


! 

I  I 

II  f 

i 


Ul 


:  ^:*>',»«iaitf^.TWn-;f*«v;;'., 


CHAPTER    IV. 


Condition  of  the  Inhabitanti  on  the  Prontten  —  Declaration  of  War  by  Prance  and  England  — 
Line  of  Port)  ordered  —  Canada  Utile  known  to  the  Engliih  —  No  Security  for  the  English  but 
in  ita  Conqueit —  Cauiei  of  War  —  Prench  Right  to  Canada  —  Jciuitt  at  Penobscot  —  Nova 
Scotia — The  English  Colonies  not  united  —  Question  of  Boundaries — Port-  Oswego  built  — 
'  The  Six  Nations  —  Assure  the  English  of  their  Support  —  The  Prench  seize  Canso  —  Attempt 
Annapolis  —  Siege  raised  —  The  Mohawks  —  A  Council  at  Stockbrldge  — Attempt  to  sccur* 
the  Eastern  Indians  —  War  declared  against  them  —  Their  Murders — Reward  offered  for 
Scalp*  and  Indians  —  Indian  Council  at  Albany  —  Attempt  to  secure  the  Penobscott. 


fl 

if 

I 


\ 


LWAYS  when  war  existed  between 
England  and  France,  nothing  was 
expetfted  by  the  North  American 
colonists  but  that  their  frontiers 
were  to  be  a  scene  of  blood,  and 
those  who  contemplate  the  circum- 
stances of  the  settlers  at  this  dis- 
tance of  time,  will,  without  much 
reflexion,  wonder  that  people  could  be  found  who  would  thrust 
themselves  several  miles  into  the  wilderness,  and  take  up  an 
abode,  knowing  the  perils  to  which  a  war  exposed  them.  To 
understand  this  state  of  things  we  have  only  to  refle6l  that 
almost  the  whole  population  were  poor,  and,  as  families  in- 
creased, the  young  men  must  provide  for  themselves  and  their 
families.  Their  means  would  not  allow  them  to  purchase  land 
already  taken  up,  and  thus  settle  down  with  those  previously 
located,  and  of  course  in  more  security.  Hence,  young  men 
from  old  families,  and  others  from  abroad,  in  times  of  peace 
located  themselves  often  far  in  advance  of  earlier  settlers.  In 
such  situations  these  found  themselves  on  the  breaking  out  of 


.<» 


mmmmm 


h 


'.''-    T  jt^rontier  People.  ' 

war.  Inen  the  question  recurs — why  did  not  such  settlers 
retire  to  the  older  settled  places  when  war  existed?  Here 
again  a  little  refle£lion  teaches  that  families  thus  isolated,  in  a 
short  space  of  time  become  quite  strangers  to  those  from  whom 
they  were  separated,  and  hence  have  no  place  of  refuge  in  that 
direction ;  or  very  likely  the  families  from  which  they  separated 
are  poor  like  themselves,  and  unable  to  provide  for  fugitives, 
however  near  of  kin  they  may  be  to  them.  And  then,  parents 
and  other  kindred  are  swept  off  by  death,  often  times,  or  have 
removed  to  other  places.  Thus  it  is  easy  to  see  how  a  poor 
frontier  family  is  exposed  in  a  time  of  Indian  wars.  Such 
families  have  made  homes,  and  they  have  no  others ;  children 
are  multiplying  among  them ;  to  abandon  those  homes  was  to 
abandon  all  means  of  living,  and  fo  throw  themselves  upon  the 
charities  of  strangers.  These  will  feel  little  compassion  before 
a  disaster  strikes  those  flying  before  it;  and  yet  may  overflow 
with  sympathy  when  such  sympathy  can  be  of  no  benefit. 

Another  consideration  is  to  be  kept  in  view  in  estimating  the 
liability  of  the  frontier  settlers  to  the  horrors  of  a  savage  war- 
fare. It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  in  those  days  this  people 
was  nearly  cut  oflF  from  a  knowledge  of  the  politics  of  their 
time;  that  their  means  of  knowing  what  was  passing  in  Eu- 
ropean courts,  and  even  but  a  few  miles  distant,  and  in  their 
own  country,  were  not  only  extremely  scanty,  but  such  as  they 
did  receive  was  very  dubious  and  uncertain ;  and  hence  they 
often  knew  nothing  of  war  until  a  deadly  blow  was  struck  in 
their  very  midst.  Thus  it  cannot  fail  to  be  apparent  to  every 
reader  of  the  history  of  the  times  included  in  this  treatise,  how 
important  it  is  that  the  above  considerations  be  kept  in  mind  to 
enable  them  to  have  even  a  small  appreciation  of  the  hardships 
and  sufferings  of  our  immediate  ancestors. 


War  Declared. 


47 


The  war  which  began  in  1744  took  the  frontiers  by  sur- 
prise, although  such  an  event  had  not  only  been  feared  by  the 
officers  of  the  colonial  governments,  but  was  anticipated,  yet 
with  a  faint  hope  it  might  be  averted  by  the  negotiations  then 
going  on  between  the  agents  of  George  the  II,  and  those  of 
Louis  XV,  the  occupants  of  the  respective  thrones  of  England 
and  France.  The  French  monarch  was  encouraged  by  that  of 
Spain,  Philip  V,  who  had  been  feebly  fighting  England  for 
about  five  years.  The  Spanish  war  did  not,  however,  immedi- 
ately afFedt  New  England,  and  General  Oglethorp  was  success- 
fully opposing  the  aggressions  of  Spain  at  the  south. 

Thus  stood  the  political  atmosphere,  when  suddenly  pro- 
ceeded from  Versailles  the  formal  declaration  of  war  by  France 
against  England.  This  was  done  on  .vlarch  15th,  1744,  and 
on  the  29th  of  the  same  month  England  accepted  the  chal- 
lenge, declaring  war  against  France  in  return.* 

It  was  about  two  months  before  the  news  of  the  declaration 
of  war  reached  New  England,  while  the  French  and  Indians  of 
Canada  had  the  intelligence  near  a  month  earlier,  and  immedi- 
ately commenced  the  work  of  destrudiion.  Governor  Shirley 
was  alive  to  the  condition  of  things,  and  at  once  raised  five 
hundred  men  to  be  stationed  at  points  where  attacks  were  ex- 
peded;  three  hundred  of  them  were  for  the  service  on  the 
eastern  border,  and  the  other  two  hundred  for  the  upper  valley 
of  the  Connefticut  river. 

There  had  arrived  in  Boston  harbor,  some  time  before  the 
news  of  the  declaration  of  war,  most  opportunely  it  is  certain, 
twenty  cannon  of  forty  two  pound  caliber,  and  two  thirteen 
inch  mortars,  which  had  been  forwarded  by  the  home  govern- 


*  These  declarations  may  be  leen   at     Memoirt,  I,  44-47. 
large  in  Beatson't  Naval  and  Atiiitarf     »ine,  I,  381,  384. 


American   Maga' 


^li 


,.^ ,. 


48 


War  Preparations. 


V-  1 


ment  for  Castle  William.  All  necessary  equipments  came 
with  them,  as  mortar  beds,  carriages,  shells,  shot,  etc.  The 
ships  in  which  they  came  arrived  on  the  last  day  of  the  year 
(1743)  and  the  war  materials  were  landed  on  Long  Wharf,  and 
thence  in  sloops  taken  to  the  castle,  the  last  on  January  21st, 
1744.* 

Soon  after  the  news  that  war  had  been  declared  was  received, 
the  General  Court  of  Massachusetts  ordered  a  line  of  forts  to 
be  construdled,  to  extend  from  the  Connecticut  river  to  the 
boundary  of  New  York,  and  ninety-six  barrels  of  powder  were 
sent  to  supply  the  inhabitants.  This  was  not  a  gift,  but  was 
dealt  out  to  them  at  cost. 

Few  of  the  people  of  New  England  knew  anything  about  the 
frontier  of  Canada,  while  every  point  of  the  border  of  New 
England  was  well  known  to  the  Indians.     Many  of  these  had 
constantly  traded  with  the  English  at  their  houses,  and  conse- 
quently knew  minutely  their  situation,  and  hence  became  sure 
guides  to  the  French  in  their  expeditions.     Indeed,  some  of  the 
Indians  had   lived  in  the   immediate  vicinity  of  many  of  the 
towns,  and  the  people  had  become  so  accustomed  to  them,  that 
they  looked  upon  them  as  friends,  and  flattered  themselves  with 
the  hope,  that  in  the  event  of  another  war  they  would  be 
friends,  and  side  with  them  rather  than  with  their  enemies. 
But  no  sooner  was  it  known  to  them  that  war  had  been  resolved 
upon,  than  all  these  Indians  withdrew  to  Canada,  and  at  all 
times  afted  as  guides  to  the  French  soldiers.     They  would 
have  done  the  same  thing  for  the  English  under  like  circum- 
stances, because  plunder  was  the  chief,  if  not  the  sole  cause 
which  always  governed  their  condud.     It  is  doubtless  true,  as 
the  writer  has  stated  in  another  workjf  that,  in  some  instances, 

*  Amtrictn  Maga»int,  I,  176,  219.  f  The  Old  Indian  CAronic/e,  p,  x. 


I'  ! 
I    I 


L'S&atil.t'lfe'lK' ' 


Importance  of  Canada. 


49 


the  settlers  had  wronged  them  in  various  ways ;  perhaps  insulted 
and  abused  them,  and  treated  them  as  inferiors,  without  refle<£t- 
ing  that  "  Indians  never  forget  injuries."  The  Indians  often 
had  too  much  reason  to  complain  of  being  over-reached  in 
trade,  by  those  authorized  by  the  government  to  traffic  with 
them.* 

It  is  easy  to  discern  how  deplorable  was  the  condition  of  the 
scattered  settlers  thus  circumstanced.  It  was  likewise  easy  to 
discern  that  so  long  as  the  French  were  masters  of  Canada,  a 
liability  of  war  between  France  and  England  would  always 
exist.  To  live  in  a  continual  state  of  suspense  in  times  of 
peace,  and  fear  of  the  tomahawk  and  scalping-knife  in  times  of 
war,  could  only  be  endured  in  the  hope  that  the  time  would 
come  when  they  could  triumph  over  their  enemies.  This  could 
only  be  expefted  by  the  redu£lion  of  Canada. 

The  conquest  of  Canada  had  long  been  contemplated,  and 
several  times  attempted,  but  hitherto  those  attempts  had  all 
proved  abortive;  another  war  had  commenced,  and  with 
prospects  not  at  all  improved.  Nothing  remained  for  New 
England  but  to  make  the  best  defence  it  could,  and  this  under 
the  certain  prospe6):  of  a  bloody  contest. 

For  any  one  to  take  a  different  view  of  the  relation  between 
the  French  of  Canada  and  the  English  of  New  England,  that 
is,  to  suppose  those  peoples  could  ever  live  as  distin^  nations, 
without  collisions,  was  an  absurdity  too  palpable  not  to  be  seen 
by  every  individual  of  the  latter;  and  yet  there  were  many  able 
men  in  England  using  all  their  influence  against  dispossessing 
the  French  of  Canada ;    and  even  after  the  fall  of  Quebec, 

*  See  Journalt  of  tht  Gtn.  Court,  7  July,  173 J.  ' 


;  «. 


G 


mmmmfmm 


SO 


Natural  Enemies. 


\       1 

f  i 
i       1 

i.  :  • 
1 

!'   ; 

!     •  i 

Secretary  Pitt  was  urged  in  a  publication,'"  addressed  to  him, 
written  with  much  power  and  great  ability,  to  give  up  all 
thoughts  of  insisting  upon  a  treaty  with  France  in  which 
Canada  should  be  given  up  to  England !  The  arguments  made 
use  of  were  in  the  interest  of  those  who  thought  more  of  an 
income  from  sugar  plantations  in  the  West  Indies  than  the 
lives  of  thousands  of  their  countrymen  on  the  borders  of  New 
England,  and  are  therefore  not  worth  a  refutation  or  a  repetition 
here. 

People  may  become  so  familiar  with  hardships  and  dangers 
as  to  regard  them  less  than  may  be  imagined  by  those  at  a  dis- 
tance from  them.  Were  it  not  so,  few  could  be  found  to  face 
them  again  and  again,  and  year  after  year,  and  from  generation 
to  generation. 

It  has  been  said  that  the  English  and  French  are  natural 
enemies.  This  will  be  conceded  only  by  those  who  consider 
men  as  wild  animals.  The  real  cause  of  the  contentions 
among  meh  is  the  ambition  to  take  what  does  not  belong  to 
them.  There  can  be  no  question  but  that  Canada  belonged  to 
the  French  rather  than  the  English,  if  prior  occupancy  gave 
right.  The  French  claimed  also  by  prior  discovery.  But  the 
English  claimed  by  the  same  right,  though  they  claimed  no 
further  north  than  forty-five  degrees  of  north  latitude.  By  the 
year  1613,  the  French  had  extended  their  settlements  from  the 
Gulf  of  Saint  Lawrence  to  the  mouth  of  the  Penobscot.f 


*  An  oAavo  of  148  pagn>  in  bourgeoii 
type,  entitled,  A  Letter  to  a  Great  Minit- 
ter,  wherein  the  DeMolilitu  of  th*  Fortifi- 
cations of  Louisbourg  is  shown  to  be  absurd, 
and  the  Importance  of  Canada  fully  re- 
futed.    London,   1761. 

f  According  to  the  relationi  of  the 
Jetuiti,  two  of  their  number  commenced 


a  settlement  at  the  mouth  of  the  Penob- 
scot in  1 611;  "et  ils  furent  let  pierret 
fondamentales  de  ces  missions  dans  cctte 
partie  de  I'Amerique  Septentrionale."  Ar- 
gall  carried  them  off,  upon  which  eTent 
they  remark:  "Ils  furent  sur  le  point 
d'etre  mis  i  mort  par  de*  corsairea  anglaU 
qui  les  avient  pris." 


■>-.**«'«??(  "•>^« 


-:  v^»l,  .w,,^,,^— ^pjjip,,.,^^^ 


Importance  of  Nova  Scotia. 


51 


Their  settlements  were  declared  to  be  encroachments,  and  in 
this  year  one  Capt.  Argall  was  sent  from  Virginia  to  dispossess 
them,  which  he  performed  in  the  ruthless  manner  of  the  times. 
This  was  the  commencement  of  hostilities  between  subjects  of 
the  two  crowns  on  any  part  of  North  America.  No  perma- 
nent settlement  by  Englishmen  had  then  been  made  here. 
From  this  time,  16 13,  to  the  treaty  of  Paris  in  1763,  one 
hundred  and  fifty  years,  numerous  wars  occurred  between  these 
two  nations,  during  the  existence  of  which  the  settlements  in 
New  England  were  disturbed  by  frequent  alarms>  and  the 
horrors  of  savage  cruelties. 

Nova  Scotia '"  being  considered  the  key  to  the  eastern 
colonies  of  New  England,  Oliver  Cromwell,  in  his  time  well 
understood  the  importance  of  that  country.  He  accordingly 
sent  an  expedition  and  reduced  it  to  the  rule  of  England.  This 
was  in  1654,  but  by  the  treaty  of  Breda,  in  1667,  it  Was  re- 
stored to  France, 

For  a  long  time  it  was  extremely  doubtful  which  nation 
would  ultimately  possess  the  North  American  provinces.  The 
contest  was  surely  to  be  revived  so  long  as  both  parties  laid 
claim  to  it,  or  portions  of  it,  because  both  fully  understood  its 
vast  importance,  in  a  commercial  point  of  view.f  But  the 
great  difficulty  with  the  English  colonists  was  their  own  con- 
tests amongst  themselves,  chiefly  about  their  boundaries,  in 
which  contests  they  spent  more  money  than  it  would  have  cost 


■  j. 


\% 


*  The  jLadia  of  the  French ;  so  called 
by  them  in  allusion  to  Arcadia  in  the 
Grecian  Peloponnesus,  but  with  what  pro- 
priety I  cannot  deterinine.  GtHuint  Ac- 
couHti  of  Nova  Scotia,  p.  3.  London, 
1750,  8vo.  It  was  granted  to  De  Monts, 
in  1603,  by  Henry  IV,  of  France.     By 


the  treaty  of  Utrecht,  171 3,  it  was  con- 
ceded to  belong  to  France,  and  to  extend 
fi-om  the  Gulf  of  the  St.  Lawrence  to  the 
Penobscot. 

f  The  Contttt  in  America,  iy  an  Im- 
partial Hand,  p.  [x]  800.  London,  1757. 
An  able  and  valuable  work. 


■iV"-'l*.fi>p'^'"V^'  -fr^-Ayi^v.'^-.'  '      yj 


mmmmmmmmmm^mmmmmm 


nm  >iW'iiWH  I  fii 


52 


French  Forts. 


them  to  have  kept  the  Freich  within  the  bounds  allotted  to 
them.  Thus,  a  judicious  writer  of  the  time  remarks,  that 
while  the  colonies  were  wast'np  t':eir  substance  contending  for 
the  bone,  the  French  ran  away  ',vith  it.* 

At  this  comparatively  early  day  the  colonies  seem  not  to 
have  learned  the  value  of  union,  which  they  so  well  under- 
stood about  twenty  years  later,  when  o;)pression  came  from  the 
mother  country.  And  yet  tliey  had  seen  that  it  was  by  a  want 
of  union  among  the  Indian  tribes  that  they  had  been  able  to 
establish  themselves  in  the  country.  They  did  not  need  the 
instructions  of  Caesar,  who  said  of  the  conquest  of  the  Britons, 
that  "while  everyone  fought  for  himself  they  were  all  easily 
overcome." 

Thus  it  was,  that  while  New  Hampshire  and  Massachusetts 
were  contending  about  their  boundaries,  and  New  Jersey  and 
New  York  were  at  bitter  feuds  about  theirs,  the  master  key 
to  all  of  them,  Crown  Point,  was  seized  upon  by  the  French, 
who  there  built  Fort  St.  Frederic  in  the  year  1731. 

Aware  of  the  great  importance  of  the  avenues  by  water 
from  the  lakes  of  Canada  to  the  English  settlements  on  the 
Atlantic  coast,  Mr.  Burnet,  when  governor  of  New  York,  in 
1727,  built,  at  his  own  expense,  Fort  Oswego,  as  a  counter 
movement  to  the  French  proceeding  in  eredting  Fort  Niagara, 
at  the  entrance  into  Lake  Ontario  of  the  Niagara  river,  on  the 
New  York  or  eastern  side,  a  point  commanding  more  com- 
munications, over  a  vast  country,  easterly  and  westerly,  than 
any  other  point  in  North  America  at  that  time,  and  for  many 
years  after. 

Having  little  to  fear  from  any  but  the  New  England  colonies, 
the  French  had  been  slow  to  complete  their  cordon  of  fortresses 


*  The  Conleit  in  Amerisa,  ttc,  p.  ii. 


Counter adiion  of  Mercenaries. 


53 


towards  the  south;  and  it  was  not  till  the  year  1754  that  they 
commenced  one  at  that  very  important  point,  the  confluence 
of  the  Alleghany  and  Monongahela  rivers. 

It  was  well  known  that  great  opposition  was  exerted  by  cer- 
tain English  merchants  and  traders  of  New  York,  to  prevent 
their  own  government  from  securing  the  important  posts  of 
Crown  Point  and  Oswego,  because  it  was  for  the  pecuniary 
interest  of  those  traders  that  those  places  should  remain  in  the 
hands  of  the  French.  And  thus  it  was  they  got  easy  possession 
of  those  places,  and  for  years  quietly  possessed  them.  Even 
the  Indians  of  the  Five  Nations  saw  how,  that  through  the 
avarice  of  the  few  the  honest  were  plundered,  and  did  not  fail 
to  protest  against  this  state  of  things,  at  the  same  time  shrewdly 
remarking,  that  "the  French  built  their  forts  with  English 
strouds." 

So  reckless  do  men  become  when  their  private  interests  are 
in  anticipation.  With  such  indifference  and  disregard  of  the 
public  welfare,  a  few  years  more  and  all  would  have  been  lost ; 
for,  as  to  the  respedtive  claims  of  the  French  and  English  to 
territory  in  North  America,  that  of  the  former,  to  say  the 
least,  was  as  good  as  that  of  the  latter.  Indeed,  neither  had 
any  rights  here  further  than  they  had  acquired  them  by  actual 
settlement  and  permission  from  the  aborigines  where  any  claim 
was  set  up  by  them.  But  these  premises  have  been  fully  dis- 
cussed elsewhere.* 

On  the  1 8th  of  June,  1744,  agreeably  to  the  request  of  the 
governor  of  New  York,  a  great  number  of  the  Indians  of  the 
Six  Nations,  consisting  of  the  "Mohawks,  Oneydes,  Onon- 
dagas,  Tuskaroroes,  Cayeuges,  and  Sennekes,"  assembled  at 
Albany  and  held  a  conference  with  Commissioners  of  Indian 

•  See  Old  Indian  CMronicle,  edition  of  1867,  4to,  Chap.  I. 


mmmmm' 


54 


Indian  Conference. 


Affairs,  *'  in  order  to  renew,  strengthen,  and  brighten  the  cove- 
nant chain  that  had  so  long  tied  them  and  the  subjeds  of  His 
Majesty  the  Great  King  their  father  in  mutual  ties  of  friend- 
ship." After  the  governor  had  recounted  to  the  Indians  the 
intentions  of  the  Frr-ch  to  make  them  subservient,  and  to 
draw  them  off  from  their  allegiance  to  the  English  king,  and 
requesting  a  promise  from  them  to  stand  by  and  defend  their 
allies  the  English,  they  made  answer  in  the  strongest  terms, 
that  nothing  should  cause  them  to  abandon  their  friends;  ^^hat 
it  should  not  be  in  the  power  of  the  devil  himself"  to  divert 
them  to  the  French ;  that  though  they  did  not  think  it  just  that 
they  should  seize  any  of  the  French  that  came  among  them 
and  deliver  them  to  the  English,  as  the  Indians  should  not  be 
the  aggressors,  yet  the  English  might  come  and  take  them ;  but 
they  inclined  to  peace,  until  some  of  His  Majesty's  subjects 
were  attacked.     In  short,  their  reply  was  full  of  good  sense. 

As  already  remarked,  the  French  of  Canada  having  the 
news  of  the  declaration  of  war  above  a  month  earlier  than  the 
English  of  New  England,  and  having  been  in  expe(^tion  of 
the  rupture,  had  prepared  themselves  to  a<St  with  promptness; 
so  that  in  three  days  after  receiving  the  news  from  France, 
Gov.  Duquesnel,*  of  Nova  Scotia,  dispatched  M.  Duvivier 
from  Louisbourg  with  an  armament  against  Canso,  about 
twenty  leagues  distant,  which  he  entered  in  the  night  of  the 
13th  of  May,  surprised  the  garrison,  consisting  of  about  eighty 
men,  burnt  the  fortf  and  other  buildings,  and  returned  to 
Louisbourg  with  his  captives.  ,. . 

*  He  died  on  the  following  September  Douglui,  Summary,  I,  340. 
(1744),  and  was  succeeded  by  M.  Du-         f  Douglau  says   "it   was  an  insignifi- 

chambon.     Mtmoirt  of  the  H^ar,  p.  32.  cant  place,  and  did  not  deserve  the  name 

"  Du  Quesnel   was   a  good  old  soldier,  of  fort."     Ibid.,  I,  339.     True  of  many 

while  Du  Chambon  was  an  old  poltroon."  English  places  nominally  held  by  them. 


J.JJIJWp.tf-l, 


Attack  on  Annapolis. 


SS 


The  first  news  the  English  had  of  the  event  was  brought  to 
Boston  by  a  fisherman^  who  happened  to  be  on  the  neighboring 
fishing-ground,  and  saw  the  smoke  of  the  burning  fort  and 
other  buildings,  upon  which  he  made  all  sail  for  Boston. 

But  a  little  while  before  the  declaration  of  war,  the  French 
instigated  the  Indians  upon  the  river  Saint  John  to  send  a  depu- 
tation of  their  head  men  to  Lieut.-Gov.  Paul  Mascarene,  the 
English  commander  at  Annapolis  Royal,*  who  were  instru<^ed 
to  pretend  a  renewal  of  former  treaties ;  by  which  device  they 
were  to  ascertain  the  actual  state  of  the  place  for  defence. 
Having  succeeded  to  their  wishes  in  this,  they  at  once  invested 
it  with  about  six  hundred  Marechite  and  Mickmack  Indians,  on 
the  30th  of  June,  with  a  few  Frenchmen,  the  whole  under  the 
command  of  a  Frenchman  named  Le  Loutre,  a  priest,  and  one 
Clermont ;  but  Mascarene  successfully  defended  the  place. 

The  news  of  the  fate  of  Canso  having  reached  Boston  as 
just  mentioned.  Governor  Shirley  rightly  judged  that  Annapolis 
Royal  would  next  be  attempted.  He  therefore,  with  the  ut- 
most expedition,  dispatched  av/ay  a  messenger  for  that  place  to 
advise  Governor  Mascarene  of  the  fate  of  Canso,  and  to  urge 
him  to  hold  out  until  he  could  send  men  to  reinforce  him, 
which  he  would  exert  himself  to  do  with  the  utmost  of  his 
power.  The  bearer  of  this  important  dispatch  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  enemy,  which  was  very  fortunate  for  him,  other- 
wise the  force  immediately  sent  by  Shirley  would  have  fallen 
upon  the  enemy'i  fleet  f  which  had  intercepted  the  messenger. 
Thus  the  wise  precaution  of  the  governor  was  a  misfortune  to 
the  English ;  for  had  he  dispatched  an  armed  force  without  the 

I  *  TYit  namt  Anngpolit  Royal  tnA  An-  f"A  banker  of  about  four  hundred 
napolit  without  the  Royal,  are  indiscrimi-  ton,with  a  brigandneandiloop."  Shirley't 
nately  uied  in  the  diflerant  accounti.  Mimoiri,  p.  to. 


■  \  i 


'I,; 


i 

i 

i 

,._.          j 

Annapolis  Relieved. 

precaution,  it  would  surely  have  hemmed  in  Du  Quesnel  and 
his  fleet  before  the  beleaguered  town,  and  they  would  have 
become  an  easy  prey.  But  in  wars,  as  in  other  affairs,  errors 
and  mischances  on  the  one  side  often  balance  those  on  the 
other.  It  was  a  sad  mistake  of  the  governor  of  Louisbourg, 
in  that  he  did  not  first  secure  Annapolis  Royal,  because  that 
could  have  been  easily  effected,  and  then  Canso  would  have 
fallen  almost  without  a  blow,  and  thus  the  whole  of  Nova 
Scotia,  with  its  sixteen  thousand  inhabitants,  would  have  been 
under  the  control  of  the  metropolis. 

It  was  not  an  error  that  Governor  Shirley  sent  a  messenger 
to  warn  Governor  Mascarene  of  his  danger,  but  it  was  a  mis- 
fortune that  threw  the  messenger  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy ; 
while,  on  the  other  hand,  it  was  a  serious  error  that  the  French 
governor  committed  in  wasting  time  on  Canso  instead  of  An- 
napolis Royal.  This  error  sent  his  fleet,  under  Du  Quesnel, 
up  the  Bay  of  Fundy,  where  it  intercepted  Shirley's  messenger, 
and  afforded  it  time  to  cut  its  cables  and  make  good  an  escape. 
For  in  two  days  after  that  messenger  left  Boston,  namely,  on 
July  2d,  Capt.  Edward  Tyng,  with  about  eighty  men,  in  the 
Province  Snow,  sailed  for  Annapolis  Royal,  and  in  two  days 
more  arrived  before  the  place. 

On  the  arrival  of  the  English  forces  before  Annapolis  Royal, 
they  found  it  invested  by  about  seven  hundred  Indians,  with  a 
few  French  mixed  with  them  disguised  as  Indians,  with  the 
priest  before  mentioned  at  their  head.  The  fort  was  in  no  con- 
dition to  stand  a  siege,  being  nothing  but  a  ruin.*  It  had  been 
besieged  eleven  days  when  the  English  arrived,  but  the  besiegers 

*  It  had  been  entirely  negledled  for  from  without,  pauing  fbttes  and  ditches, 
about  twenty  years,  its  garrison  resting  and  mounting  the  ramparts  at  pleasure." 
''-in  supine  indolence,   hogs   and   sheep     DtugUu,\,  318. 


'■'■'>• 


\b-'  I 


Capt.  Tyng*s  Expedition. 


S7 


had  no  cannon,  and  their  attacks  were  chiefly  in  the  night }  so 
that  the  garrison  were  nearly  worn  out  when  relief  arrived. 
The  fear  of  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  Indians  nerved  the 
defenders  almost  to  superhuman  efforts.  The  garrison  was 
now  reinforced  and  the  fort  put  into  repair,  and  before  the  end  of 
the  year  (1744),  besides  other  reinforcements,  Massachusetts 
sent  to  the  place  a  company  of  Indian  rangers  which  rendered 
great  service  in  scouting  and  guarding  the  garrison. 

When  the  account  of  the  capture  of  Canso  was  carried  to 
France,  it  caused  great  rejoicing,  and  Te  Deum  was  sung  at 
Notre  Dame  in  Paris,  and  pompous  details  of  the  affair  were 
trumped  up  and  published  in  the  French  journals. 

The  result  of  the  expedition  for  the  relief  of  Annapolis  was 
immediately  published  at  Boston  in  the  following  strain : 

"On  the  13th  of  July  (1744)  Capt.  Tyng  in  our  province 
snow.  Prince  of  Orange,  arrived  here  from  Annapolis  Royal. 
He  sailed  from  this  port  on  the  2d  instant,  with  between 
seventy  and  eighty  new  'raised  volunteers  for  reinforcing  His 
Majesty's  garrison  there  (for  the  encouragement  of  which 
levies,  and  one  hundred  more  now  raising  under  proper  offi- 
cers, this  government  has  lately  granted  an  handsome  bounty) 
and  arrived  safe  at  Annapolis  about  one  >  clock  on  the  4th 
instant,  to  the  inexpressible  joy  of  the  whole  garrison,  the  fort 
being  besieged  by  a  large  body  of  Indians,  who  came  before  it 
on  the  30th  of  June,  with  a  French  priest,  and  one  Clermont, 
another  Frenchman  who  had  been  lately  employed  as  a  spy  in 
the  fort,  and  in  daily  expectation  of  receiving  assistance  in  two 
vessels  from  Louisbourg.  They  had  the  insolence  to  send  a 
flag  of  truce  to  Gov.  Mascarene  to  demand  the  surrender  of 
the  fort,  promising  good  quarters  tu  the  garrison  if  he  complied, 
and  threatened  to  destroy  them  all  if  they  took  it  by  storm. 
H 


A 


i 

r 


|iH>»W^Mi> 


mmmmmmm 


S8 


Capt.  Tyng's  Expedition. 


They  had  killed  two  soldiers  whom  they  surprised  without  the 
fort,  burnt  several  of  the  English  houses,  and  destroyed  many 
cattle,  and  had  lost  three  of  their  own  number  by  the  great 
artillery  of  the  garrison.  Upon  Capt.  Tyng's  arrival  and  the 
transport  under  his  convoy,  for  the  French  ships,  which  they 
expe<Sted,  and  were  coming  to  the  shore  to  meet  him ;  but  on 
finding  their  mistake  betook  themselves  to  a  precipitate  flight, 
the  priest  leaving  behind  him  his  crucifix  and  other  superstitious 
trumpery."* 

From  another  source  the  following  amusing  particular  is 
taken :  "  Upon  Capt.  Tyng's  arrival,  the  Indians  seeing  the 
hammocks  in  the  netting  of  the  ship,  took  them  for  Indians ; 
and  being  informed  by  a  French  woman  that  he  had  a  great 
number  of  Mohawks  on  board,  and  had  landed  several  hundreds 
of  men  to  cut  them  off,  they  ran  into  the  woods  with  the 
utmost  speed,"  their  priest  being  so  panic  stricken,  that  he  left 
his  baubles  as  before  mentioned. f 

Pains  were  taken,  vtrhen  war  was  looked  upon  as  imminent, 
to  secure  as  many  of  the  Indians  as  possible  in  the  interest  of 
the  respective  parties.  The  small  belt  along  the  Atlantic  shore 
of  English  settlers  was  situated,  as  it  were,  between  two  fires. 
The  enemy  on  their  back  had  every  advantage.  They  could 
always  approach  the  English  undiscovered,  and  when  they  had 
committed  murders  and  depredations  could  bury  themselves  in 
the  wilderness,  and  pursuit  oftentimes  only  aggravated  the  mis- 
chief already  done,  as  the  pursuers  frequently  fell  into  ambushes 
and  were  cut  off.  ^ 

The  Mohawks,  a  formidable  part  of  the  Six  Nations,  were 


'1^  American  Magazine,  I,  483.  .  on  board,    under   Capt.    Gorham,    called 

I  Boston    Evening    Pott,  of   16  July,     Indian  Rangers.     See  Douglatt,  I,   319. 
1 744.     There  was  a  company  of  Indiana     The«e  Rangers  will  be  further  noticed. 


^M-.^^^^^ 


Conference  at  Stockbridge. 


59 


held  in  great  dread,  as  they  were  the  most  cruel  and  warlike  of 
all  the  tribes  known  when  the  war  of  1 744  broke  forth.  This 
tribe  or  nation  was  divided.  Part  of  them  were  called  French 
Mohawks,  because  they  were  under  the  influence  of  the 
Jesuits,  and  could  be  relied  upon  to  take  up  the  tomahawk  for 
that  nation  in  the  event  of  war ;  while  those  dwelling  nearest  • 
the  English  had  embraced  protestantism.  All  the  English 
asked  of  these  was  to  remain  neuter,  and  let  the  English  and 
French  settle  their  own  quarrel,  and  to  use  their  best  endeavors 
with  the  French  Mohawks  to  remain  neutral  also. 

To  secure  so  desirable  an  object,  the  English,  through  the 
agency  of  their  missionary  among  the  Stockbridge  or  Mohe- 
kanuk  Indians,  the  Rev.  John  Sergeant,  were  able  to  induce  a 
deputation  of  the  Mohawks  to  come  to  Stockbridge  and  confer 
upon  the  subject.  A  conference  was  accordingly  held,  and  on 
the  5th  of  June,  1744,  Mr.  Sergeant  made  a  report  of  the 
result  of  it ;  but  does  not  give  the  names  of  those  who  took 
part  in  it.  The  Mohekanuk  speaker  addressed  the  Mohawk 
chief  as  Uncle,  and  the  Mohawk  chief  addressed  the  Mohe- 
kanuk as  Cousin.  They  are  both  rather  poor  specimens  of 
Indian  eloquence. 

•  A  report  had  gone  abroad  that  the  French  Mohawks  had 
agreed  with  those  living  on  the  borders  of  the  English  to  re-  ;* 
main  neutral.  The  Mohekanuk  chief  put  the  question  to  his 
Uncle  in  these  words:  "I  ask  you  a  question.  I  hear  you 
have  agreed  with  the  French  Mohawks  to  sit  still  in  case  of  a 
war  between  their  friends  and  ours.  You  well  know  how  that 
matter  is.  I  desire  you  to  tell  me  what  we  are  to  do  in  that 
affair.  If  you  say  we  must  sit  still,  we  will  sit  still.  If  we 
see  those  Indians  help  their  friends,  we  must  help  ours."  To 
which  the  Mohawk  speaker  replied:     ** Cousin,  the  informa- 


1 


-^i— w- 


60         .  ^  Delegates  to  'Eastern  Indians. 

tion  you  have  received  of  our  engaging  with  the  French  Mo- 
hawks to  stand  neuter  in  case  of  a  war  between  the  French 
and  English,  is  very  true.  Those  Indians  have  promised  us, 
that  they  will  not  meddle  with  the  war ;  but  set  still  in  peace, 
and  let  the  white  people  determine  their  dispute  themselves. 
We  have  promised  them  the  same,  and  desire  you  to  join  wita 
us  in  the  same  peaceable  disposition." 

Notwithstanding  ihese  engagements,  and  even  if  they  were 
fully  adhered  to,  the  French  had  vastly  the  advantage,  as  they 
had  access  to  all  the  Indian  nations  of  Canada,  of  whom  they 
always  found  enough  ready  to  espouse  their  cause  against  the  . 
English  settlers. 

The  eastern  Indians  were  next  to  be  secured,  if  possible,  and 
prevented  from  joining  the  French.  To  this  end  several  In- 
dians of  the  Five  Nations  had,  at  much  expense,  been  procured 
in  their  country  and  brought  to  Boston,  and  accompanied 
commissioners  to  Penobscot,*  and  there  had  a  talk  with  such 
Indians  of  that  region  as  they  could  meet  with.  All  that  is 
known  of  this  undertaking  is  contained  in  a  publication  of  the 
time,  and  is  in  these  words :  "  July  24,  1 744.  This  day  the 
Commissioners  appointed  by  this  Government  to  accompany 
the  Delegates  from  the  Six  Nations  of  Indians  to  the  East- 
ward, in  order  to  confer  with  th  ds  of  the  tribes  in  those 
parts,  returned  hither  in  good  heal.  ^nd  so  far  as  we  can 
learn,  the  Eastern  Indians  are  sincerel,  viesirous  to  continue  at 
peace  with  us." 

That  these  hopes  of  peace  proved  entirely  delusive,  is  cer- 
tain, as  will  appear  from  a  declaration  of  war  against  these 
Indians  not  long  after,  by  the  governor  of  Massachusetts,  an 

'1^  They  tailed  from  Boston  July  7th.     Penobscots,  as  will  be  seen  further  along. 
There  were  other  attempts  to  secure  the     They  caused  great  eipense,  and  no  benefit. 


E  *  ■■       i 

ft::    i 

Ji      i 

!  ■ 

Declaration  of  War, 


i\ 


abstract  of  which  is  here  given  for  the  fa£ts  it  contains.  It  is 
drawn  with  due  formality,  and  with  Gov.  Shirley's  well  known 
ability;  headed:  **A  Declaration  of  War  against  the  Cape- 
Sable's  and  St.  John's  Indians,"  and  dated  "at  the  Council 
Chamber  in  Boston,  the  19th  day  of  Odober,  1744."  The 
reasons  for  the  declaration  are  set  forth  in  the  preamble  as  fol- 
lows: "Whereas  the  Indians  inhabiting  his  Majesty's  Pro- 
vince of  Nova  Scotia,  commonly  called  the  Cape  Sables 
Indians,  who  have  submitted  themselves  to  his  Majesty's 
government  by  solemn  treaty  with  the  governor  of  the  province 
of  Massachusetts,  did  some  time  in  the  winter  last  past,  in  the 
port  of  Jedoure,  in  a  treacherous  and  cruel  manner,  murder 
divers  of  his  Majesty's  English  subjects,  belonging  to  a  fishing 
vessel  *  owned  and  fitted  out  by  his  Majesty's  subjefts  of  this 
province,  and  did  seize  the  said  vessel  with  the  goods  and 
efFe6ts  belonging  thereto :  And,  whereas  the  said  Cape-Sable's 
Indians,  with  the  Indians  of  the  St.  John's  tribe,  who  have 
likewise  submitted  to  his  Majesty's  government,  by  solemn 
treaty  with  the  commander  of  this  province,  have  in  a  hostile 
marmer  joined  with  the  French  king's  subjects,  his  Majesty's 
declared  enemies,  in  assaulting  his  Majesty's  fort  at  Annapolis- 
Royal,  and  the  garrison  posted  there,  divers  of  whom  they 
have  slain ;  and  have  likewise  killed  a  master  of  a  sloop  belong- 
ing to  this  province,  while  he  was  assisting  that  garrison  in  pro- 
viding fuel  for  them ;  and  the  said  Indians  have  also  for  divers 


*  This  doubtless  has  reference  to  the 
following,  published  in  the  Boston  Eve- 
ning Poit  of  April  30th,  1 744 :  "  Some 
time  in  the  iall  of  1743,  a  schooner  be- 
longing to  Marblehead,  in  which  were  six 
men  and  a  boy,  put  into  a  harbor  at  or 


near  Cape  Sable,  where  they  were  all 
murdered  except  the  boy ;  him  they  re- 
served and  sold  to  the  French.  He  it 
lately  returned  and  gives  this  account. 
The  vessel  they  plundered  of  everything." 
The  names  of  the  murdered  are  unknown. 


It 


it# 


62 


Reward  for  Scalps, 


Ifev 


months  past,  in  an  hostile  manner,  blocked  up  the  said  fort, 
and  kept  the  garrison  upon  continual  alarms,"  etc. 

The  Declaration  goes  on  to  warn  all  the  Indians  to  the  west,  or 
this  side  of  the  St.  John's  river,  not  to  hold  correspondence  with 
those  of  St.  John's  and  Cape  Sable's,  or  Nova  Scotia  Indians ; 
particularly  the  Penobscots,  Norridgewalks,  and  Pigwackets. 

On  the  26th  of  October,  the  General  Court  offered  a  reward 
for  the  killing  and  scalps  of  the  St.  John's  and  Cape  Sable 
Indians,  in  these  terms:  "To  any  company,  party,  or  person 
singly,  of  his  Majesty's  subjects  to  or  residing  within  this  Pro- 
vince, who  shall  voluntarily,  and  at  their  own  proper  cost  and 
charge  go  out  and  kill  a  male  Indian  of  the  age  of  twelve  years 
or  upwards,  of  the  Indians  above  named,  after  the  26th  day  of 
0<Stober  last  past,  and  before  the  last  day  of  June,  1745,  (if 
the  war  lasts  so  long)  anywhere  to  the  east  of  the  Penobscot 
beyond  a  fixed  line,  the  sum  of  £100*  in  bills  of  credit,  new 
tenor;  and  £105  for  a  male  Indian  captive  of  the  like  age; 
and  the  sum  of  ,£50  for  womeo ;  and  the  like  sum  for  children 
under  the  age  of  twelve  years  killed  in  fight ;  and  X55  for  such 
of  them  as  shall  be  taken  prisoners." 

And  on  the  2d  of  November,  the  line  beyond,  or  to  the  east 
of  which  Indians  might  be  killed  and  scalps  taken,  was  pub- 
lished, namely :  *'  to  begin  on  the  sea-shore  three  leagues  from 
the  most  easterly  part  of  Passamaquady  river,  and  thence  run 
north  into  the  country  through  the  province  of  Nova  Scotia  to 
the  river  St.  Lawrence." 

Quite  early  in  the  year  Gov.  George  Clinton  f  took  unwearied 

♦•'Whereof,  at    present,    1748,    fifty  confounded   with   that  of  the  patriot  go- 

ahillings  is  equal  to  twenty  shillings  ster-  vernor  of  the  same  name,  conspicuous  in 

ling.      Old  Tenor  is  only  one   quarter    of  the  Revolution.     DeWitt  Clinton  was  of 

the  New  Tenor."     Douglass,  I,  310.  this  ^mily,  and  a  nephew  of  the  patriot 

j-  This  Governor  Clinton  should  not  be  governor. 


I  if       ! 


■  '•w.  *I»I»'WM  yiWjp-^^A-yyBt 


W^'. 


EaM 


Conference  at  Albany. 


63 


pains  to  keep  the  Six  Nations  to  their  allegiance.  Having  pro- 
cured deputations  from  the  Mohawks,  Oneydes,  Onondagas, 
Tuskaroras,  Cayeuges,  and  Senekes,  to  come  to  Albany,  a 
conference  was  begun  on  the  i8th  of  June.  To  this  con- 
ference Massachusetts  sent  John  Stoddard,  Jacob  Wendell, 
Thomas  Berry,  John  Choate,  and  Thomas  Hutchinson.  Be- 
fore leaving  Albany  the  Massachusetts  men  submitted  cer- 
tain conditions  for  the  observance  of  both  colonies.  These 
were  in  substance  similar  to  the  articles  of  union  between  the 
New  England  colonies,  formed  in  1642.  And  here  it  may  be 
well  to  state  that  the  Six  Nations  generally  adhered  to  the 
English  throughout  the  war,  and  parties  of  Mohawks  retaliated, 
though  to  a  small  extent,  the  depredations  of  the  French  and 
Canada  Indians  on  the  English  frontier,  by  expeditions  against 
the  Canadian  settlers. 

In  the  late  conference  at  Albany  several  of  the  Indians  of 
the  Mohawk  tribe  were  engaged  to  accompany  agents  of  Massa- 
chusetts to  the  Eastern  Indians,  especially  the  Penobscots,  and 
to  use  their  influence  v/lth  them  to  assist  the  English  against 
the  St.  John  and  Cape  Sable  Indlians.  Col.  Pepperrell  and 
some  others  of  Massachusetts,  met  the  Penobscot  Indians  at 
Georges  in  the  beginning  of  July.  The  meeting  was  friendly, 
and  the  English  flattered  themselves  that  those  Indians  would 
not  only  remain  at  peace  with  them,  but  that  they  would  send 
a  number  of  their  warriors  to  aid  them  in  the  war  lately  de- 
clared against  the  tribes  before  mentioned ;  and  it  appears  that 
the  Penobscots  actually  agreed  to  furnish  a  number  of  their 
warriors  for  this,  purpose,  who,  according  to  the  terms  of  Gov. 
Dummer's  treaty  (which  they  always  regarded),  were  to  have 
their  men  ready  in  forty  days;  yet,  up  to  the  middle  of  No- 
vember, there  had  been  no  compliance,  and  Col.  Pepperrell 


■) 


VWr'l"!S'*««"^*TJ"!«W!'»1(T.lpr?<nT!» 


"«<HiWJMI^ii^i|||'  lUi  I'lllllM  .Tty^-lr 


mm 


64 


Indian  Conference. 


was  again  sent  to  demand  the  men  as  agreed  upon.  The  result 
was  a  further  time  was  asked  fur,  under  the  pretence  that  their 
young  men  were  away  on  hunting  expeditions.  However, 
about  the  middle  of  January,  1745,  it  was  ascertained  that  the 
young  Penobscots  declared  they  would  not  take  up  arms  against 
the  St.  John's  Indians.*  This  doubtless  satisfied  the  English 
that  the  French  Jesuit  influence  was  greater  than  any  they 
could  exert. 

*  It  may  be  worthy  of  note  that  all  cott  to  the  country,  and  individual  eacri- 

the  hittoriani  of  thii  period  knew  nothing,  fice.     It  should  be  minutely  detailed  in  a 

at  least  say  nothing,  respecting  the  im-  history  of  Maine,  and  a  life  of  Sir  VVil- 

portant   transadlions    above   sketched,  al-  liam  Pepperrell  should  not  be  without  it. 

though  they  were  brought  about  at  great  Materials  are  not  wanting. 


r  ' 

■,. 

CHAPTER    V, 


DIARY    OF    DEPREDATIONS. 


Strcnflh  of  the  French —  Donahew'i  Expedition— Surrender  of  Loulibourg  — Incident!  of  the 
Capture  — Prudence  of  Gov.  Shirley  — The  Bffe^l  of  the  Capture  in  England  —  Oonahew'a 
Expedition  and  Death  —  Hli  Steward's  Etcapc  and  Narrative  —  Other  FaAi  reipe^tlng  Dona- 
hew —  William  Phlpa'i  Exploit  and  Death  —  People  killed  at  Aihuelol  —  War  commencei 
with  the  Penobacot  Indiana  — Trouble  at  Louitbourg  —  Ciov.  Shirley  proceedi  thence  —  Oor. 
Clinton  and  the  Six  Nation!  —  Another  Declaration  of  War  — Indian!  killed  —  Another  Con- 
ference at  Albany  —  Depredation!  at  Sheepacott  —  Nehemiah  How*!  Captirlty  —  Indian*  lur- 
prUe  Saratoga —  New  York  oSer!  a  Reward  for  Scalpi —  Depredation  at  Bedford,  N.  H. 

EWS  from  Canada  having  been  re- 
cently obtained,  in  writing  to  the 
Duke  of  Newcastle,  on  March  27, 
Gov.  Clinton  makes  the  following 
statement  respecting  the  condition  of 
the  French :  *'  They  have  consi- 
derably increased  their  settlements  on 
our  backs,  and  almost  inhanced  the  Indian  trade 
to  themselves,  by  means  of  the  lake  Cadaraqui 
[Ontario]  whereon  they  have  two  or  three  vessels  of 
fifty  or  sixty  tons,  with  six  or  eight  swivel  guns  each, 
and  manned  with  twelve  or  fifteen  men,  with  which 
they  carry  on  their  trade.  They  have  also  built  forts,  and 
trading  houses  ranging  along  the  lake  (contrary  to  the  faith  of 
treaties),  whereby  they  hold  their  power  over  all  the  Indian 
nations,  except  those  dependent  on  our  provinces,  and  even 
among  those  they  have,  and  do  daily  gain  too  great  an  influ- 


ence 


>>  ifc 


*  New  York  Colonial  Documtnti,  VI,  275. 
I 


-r^- 


.■■«»-.CTi^^.,f»!-r-»»'-nii»'.ry*^ty-^<L<'  -yr  ith-.H'  "Tfci  ••(?»■■ ' 


66 


Donahew*s  Expedition. 


V,'- 


.ii 


May  14,  1745.  Governor  Clinton,  in  a  speech  dissolving 
the  general  assembly  of  New  York,  severely  censures  the 
members  for  negle£king  to  provide  proteftion  for  the  frontiers 
of  the  colony  against  the  incursions  of  the  Indians  and  French.* 

May  15.  Capt.  David  Donahew,  in  the  sloop  Resolution, 
with  two  other  armed  vessels,  meets  a  French  armament  of 
some  nine  hundred  men  on  their  way  from  Annapolis  to  Louis- 
bourg  to  strengthen  that  place.  The  following  is  Captain 
Donahew's  account  of  the  fight  he  had  with  them  :  "  On  the 
15th  instant,  in  Askmacourse  f  harbor,  up  the  bay  [of  Fundy], 
my  luck  was  to  meet  with  two  sloops  and  two  schooners,  and 
an  unaccountable  number  of  Indian  canoes.  At  six  the  same 
morning,  the  Captains  Becket  and  Jones,  who  were  connected 
with  me,  and  being  to  leeward,  saw  some  smoke,  which  they 
purs'  \  and  soon  lost  sight  of  me.  I  pursued  my  chase,  and 
at  tL.  o'clock  came  up  with  and  fired  on  them.  They  strove 
to  decoy  me  into  shoal  water,  which  I  avoided,  they  being  a 
thousand  in  number,  and  I  but  forty  odd.  We  spoke  to  each 
other  for  two  hours  and  a  half;  they  knowing  my  name,  de- 
siring me  to  prepare  my  fast  for  them,  and  I  telling  the  cow- 
ards they  were  afraid  to  row  up,  the  weather  stark  calm.  As 
they  came  to  hand  I  killed,  but  the  number  I  know  not.  I 
fired  two  hundred  four-pounders,  double  round  and  partridge, 
fifty  three-pounders ;  besides  my  swivels  and  small  arms  con- 
tinually playing  on  them.  My  stern,  by  force  of  firing,  is 
down  to  the  water  edge,  roundhouse  all  to  pieces,  but  bold 
hearted.  Had  it  not  been  so  calm  I  should  have  done  as  I 
would ;  but  not  one  breath  of  wind,  and  they  rowing  all  around 

*  The  reader  will  find  the  opposition  f  Asmacouie.  Douglau.  Not  laid 
to  Governor  Clinton  fully  explained  in  down  on  the  maps  under  thia  name.  Per- 
Livingtton't  Rtvitw,  elsewhere  cited.  hapi  that  lince  called  Advocatet  Harbor. 


t'i 


Louisbourg. 


67 


'1 


me,  both  head  and  stern;  but  Capt.  Becket  and  Capt.  Jones 
appearing  in  sight,  they  retreated  and  run  into  shoal  water.  I 
followed  them  within  pistol  shot,  till  I  run  on  ground,  but, 
blessed  be  God,  have  got  safe  off.  This  was  the  army  that 
besieged  Annapolis,  and  was  on  its  way  to  assist  Louisbourg, 
but  their  design  is  prevented." 

This  force,  so  opportunely  defeated  by  Donahew,  had  retired 
to  Minas,*  after  being  driven  from  Annapolis,  as  previously 
related.  They  were  on  their  way  from  Minas  intermediately. 
Douglass  says  they  were  nine  hundred  strong,  or  "about  nine 
hundred  ragamuffins."  One  "Mr.  Marin,  a  lieutenant  from 
Canada,  was  a  captain  of  a  company  of  savages,  or  Indian 
rangers,"  and  composed  a  part  of  the  force.  The  brave  Capt. 
Donahew  at  ■■.  little  later  period,  on  another  expedition,  fell  into 
the  hands  of  the  enemy,  and,  with  many  others,  was  massacred, 
as  will  be  seen  hereafter. 

June  17.  Louisbourg  was  surrendered  to  the  English,  which 
was  the  great  event  of  this  war.f  The  expedition  was  planned 
by  Gov.  Shirley,  and  met  with  the  full  approbation  of  nearly 
all  of  those  then  composing  the  government.  The  governors 
of  nearly  all  the  colonies  favored  it,  and  it  was  carried  into 
successful  execution.  A  few  knowing  ones  of  that  time,  to 
exhibit  their  superior  sagacity,  said  the  expedition  would  be  a 
failure;  but  when  they  learned  that  it  had  completely  suc- 
ceeded, they  attributed  its  success  to  accident,  or  good  luck. 
Dr.  Douglass,  the  historian,  then  living  in  Boston,  and  writing 


.*■ 


'V   , 


^i 


*  In  that  part  of  the  townihip  of  Horton  appendages    of    an   ancient    tettlement. 

which  borders  on  the  basin.     Nu  traces  Haliburton,  II,  115. 

of  it  are  now  to  be  seen,  except  the  eel-  -{-  It  is  worthy  of  remark  that  this  wa< 

ijm  of  the  houses,  a  few  aged  orchards,  just  thirty  years  bc/bre  the  battle  of  Bunlcer 

and  groups  of  willows,  the  never-failing  Hill. 


%*i  iiiti' 


:i£. 


t-i;:. 


-ii-:.i'Mf.fJ;r" 


.;•.■."•  ,r!,V-t''-fnr  it;;  ii  w^   .,  la; 


i  i 


5'    ^1 


■  'd- 


'V 


68 


Louisbourg  Expedition. 


his  history,  was  opposed  to  Gov.  Shirley.  He  generally  disa- 
greed with  his  measures,  and  when  he  could  not  deny  that 
their  efFeft  was  beneficial,  he  was  careful  not  to  admit  that  he 
had  misjudged,  but  that  it  was  a  chance  circumstance.  Thus 
by  an  ingenious  use  of  language  he,  in  the  minds  of  many,  has 
caused  some,  even  able  historians,  to  give  a  wrong  tone  to 
their  relations  of  the  taking  of  Louisbourg.  Dr.  Douglass  will 
always  be  a  valuable  authority  for  the  events  of  this  period, 
because  he  wrote  at  the  time,  and  was  acquainted  personally 
with  some  of  the  principal  aftors.  Hence  his  bias  is  not  suffi- 
ciently guarded  against.  The  following  insidious,  and  at  the 
same  time  ingenious  passage  in  his  history  is  recollefted.  Upon 
the  capture  of  Louisbourg  he  says :  *'  If  every  circumstance  had 
not  turned  in  favor  of  the  expedition,  and  if  every  circumstance 
had  not  turned  against  the  French,  the  expedition  would  have 
failed."  Now  this  is  a  sort  of  taking  assertion,  but  it  is  far 
from  being  a  just  one.  The  French  were  in  the  strongest 
fortress  in  America,  had,  or  should  have  had,^he  best  means 
of  defence  known  to  warfare,  while  the  assailants  were  exposed 
to  every  annoyance ;  and  as  to  their  circumstances,  they  were 
as  untoward  as  to  any  army  whatever ;  being  exposed  to  all  the 
vicissitudes  of  a  voyage  by  sea,  and  a  landing  upon  a  coast 
dangerous  in  the  extreme  from  natural  causes,  and  this  in  the 
face  of  an  enemy  on  their  own  ground.  Surely  it  does  not 
appear  as  though  "all  the  circumstances"  were  in  favor  of  the 
expedition.  Now  the  expedition  succeeded  because  it  was 
conducted  with  secrecy  and  energy.  The  governor  left  the 
least  chance  to  accident.  As  early  as  February  he  had  dis- 
patched a  messenger  to  England  requesting  a  naval  force  to  be 
sent  him,  and  another  to  Admiral  Warren  in  the  West  Indies. 
It  is  not  the  purpose  of  this  narrative  to  detail  the  particulars 


Louisbourg  Expedition. 


69 


•>,.-. 


of  the  taking  of  Louisbourg,  because  it  has  been  so  often  done 
by  all  the  historians  of  this  period."'  A  few  important  fadts, 
generally  unnoticed  in  the  common  accounts,  will  be  given. 

In  seven  weeks  from  the  time  Gov.  Shirley  issued  his  pro- 
clamation for  raising  troops  for  the  expedition,  three  thousand 
two  hundred  and  fifty  men  were  enrolled  in  Massachusetts, 
three  hundred  and  four  in  New  Hampshire,  and  five  hundred 
and  sixteen  in  Connecticut.  The  Massachusetts  men  were 
embarked  the  24th  of  March,  and  sailed  under  the  convoy  of 
the  Shirley  Galley.,  afterwards  called  the  Shirley  Frigate.  The 
whole  naval  force  of  the  colony  of  Massachusetts  consisted  of 
three  frigates  of  twenty  guns  each;  a  snow  of  sixteen;  a 
brigantine  of  twelve;  and  five  armed  sloops  mounting  from 
eight  tu  twelve  carriage  guns.  A  sloop  from  Rhode  Island, 
and  one  from  Connedticut,  had  ten  or  twelve  guns  each.f 

The  train  of  artillery  consisted  of  eight  twenty-two-pound- 
ers, twelve  nine-pounders,  two  mortars  of  twelve-inch,  one  of 
eleven,  and  one  of  nine-inch.  These  were  taken  from  Castle 
William.  Also  ten  cannon  borrowed  of  Governor  Clinton  of 
New  York.  These  were  eighteen-poundc's.|  Brigadier- 
General  Samuel  Waldo  commanded  the  land  forces.  Colonel 
Samuel  Moore  commanded  those  of  New  Hampshire,  Lieut.- 
Col.  Simon  Lothrop  those  of  Connecticut ;  Lieut.-Col.  Gridley 
commanded  the  artillery.  Over  the  whole  was  Lieut. -Gen. 
Wm.  Pepperrell. 

Such  was  the  ambition  of  the  people  of  New  England  to 
participate  in  the  expedition,  that  more  men  volunteered  for  it 
than  could  be  received,  and  two  companies  were  discharged  and 
a  month's  pay  given  them.  All  the  transportation  at  the  com- 
mand of  the  government  had  been  already  taken  up. 

*  See  Appendix,  B.  f  Shirley'i  Memoir t,  40.  \  Ibidem. 


1: 


if 


70 


Louisbourg  Expedition. 


August  8.  Rear-Admiral  Peter  Warren  wrote  from  Louis- 
bourg, giving  the  following  account  of  his  successes  at  that 
place:  "The  Charmante,  a  French  East  India  ship  of  five 
hundred  or  six  hundred  tons,  twenty-eight  guns  and  ninety-nine 
men,  very  rich ;  the  Heron,  another  French  East  India  ship 
from  Bengal,  pretty  rich ;  the  Notre  Dame  de  la  Deliverance, 
a  French  ship  of  twenty-two  guns,  and  about  sixty  men,  from 
Lima  in  the  South  Seas,  for  which  place  she  sailed  from  Cadiz 
in  the  year  1741,  are  brought  into  this  harbor.  This  last  had 
on  board,  in  gold  and  silver,  upwards  of  £300,000." 

Louisbourg  had  fallen  after  a  determined  and  bloody  siege, 
but  the  importance  of  the  conquest  soon  lost  much  of  its  con- 
sequence by  the  course  given  to  events  which  restored  it  again 
to  the  French,  as  though  it  had  cost  nothing.  This  was  par- 
ticularly unfavorable  to  New  England,  which  had  lost  so 
heavily  in  its  a£tive  men,  so  much  needed  in  a  new  country,  to 
say  nothing  of  the  honor  in  a  measure  lost  by  the  restoration 
of  the  costly  acquisition.  The  suffering  of  the  troops  was 
incredible ;  often  without  shoes  to  their  feet,  or  clothes,  beyond 
a  few  rags,  to  shield  their  bodies  from  the  weather,  they  toiled 
day  and  night,  doing  the  labor  of  beasts  of  burthen  and  men 
as  well,  week  after  week,  until  more  than  a  thousand  lay  sick 
at  one  time,  and  yet  it  is  said,  that  up  to  the  time  of  the  capitu- 
lation, but  about  thirty  had  died  of  sickness,  and  that  but  one 
hundred  and  one  had  been  killed  by  the  enemy  and  other  acci- 
dents, while,  of  the  French,  about  three  hundred  had  been 
killed  within  the  walls  of  the  city,  and  six  hundred  and  fifty 
regular  troops  were  surrendered.  There  were  besides  about 
thirteen  hundred  efFedive  men  belonging  to  the  place,  in  all  of 
which,  together  with  the  women  and  children,  there  were  above 
four  thousand  to  be  transported  to  France. 


Wm 


Louisbourg  Expedition. 


71 


With  the  place  there  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  vi£iors 
immense  material  of  war  and  other  property,  among  which 
were  seventy-six  cannon  and  mortars,  and  provisions  for  five  or 
six  months.  Many  rich  merchant  ships,  during  and  after  the 
siege,  were  taken  by  the  fleet.  Admiral  Warren  kept  the 
French  flag  flying  long  after  the  capture,  and  thus  several  were 
decoyed  under  his  guns  before  they  were  aware  that  the  place 
was  taken.  The  value  of  these  prizes  was  estimated  at  over 
a  million  pounds  sterling,  half  of  which  went  to  the  naval  cap- 
tors, and  the  other  half  to  the  Crown ;  and  thus  the  New  Eng- 
land men,  who  had  been  the  means  of  this  great  acquisition, 
got  no  part  of  it ! 

In  his  account  of  the  capture.  General  Pepperrell  said,  that 
when  he  marched  into  the  city,  he  believed  such  ruins  were 
never  seen  before,  which  was  not  to  be  wondered  at,  as  nine 
thousand  cannon  balls  and  six  hundred  bombs  had  been  thrown 
into  it  before  it  surrendered ;  which  we  may  believe,  as  he  says, 
"  sorely  distressed  them,  especially  the  day  before  they  sent  out 
a  flag  of  truce,  when  our  incessant  fire  prevented  their  showing 
their  heads,  or  stirring  from  their  covert  ways,  and  some  of 
them  ran  into  the  sea  for  shelter." 

At  the  time  of  the  surrender  there  remained  but  one  house 
in  the  town  which  had  not  been  shot  through  and  through ; 
such  breaches  had  been  made  in  the  walls,  and  our  batteries  so 
advanced,  that  the  enemy  could  stand  to  their  guns  no  longer. 
Out  of  nineteen  shell  thrown  from  the  light-house  battery, 
seventeen  fell  within  the  Island  battery,  one  of  which  fell  upon 
the  magazine,  causing  great  consternation.  ..   %  '  .„;-ji';,,- , 

Care  was  taken  to  send  off  the  inhabitants  with  all  possible 
dispatch  after  the  English  were  in  possession  of  Louisbourg. 
Fourteen  transports  were  got  ready  in  an  incredibly  short  time  \ 


'\ 


ri 


^^mamsmmmm 


72 


Louisbourg  Expedition, 


■ 

;          i 

iA 

¥-: 

i.  ; 
,     1 

1  f 

1  i 

\ 
\    i 

i   ,  1 

I  : 

so  that  by  the  fourth  of  July  (since  a  more  noted  day  in  Ameri- 
can annals),  only  thirteen  days  after  the  capture,  the  unfortu- 
nate prisoners  of  war  sailed  for  France,  under  the  convoy  of 
the  Launceston  man  of  war,  Capt.  Robert  Man  commander. 
They  arrived  at  the  port  of  Brest  after  a  short  passage,  but  here 
they  met  with  treatment  from  the  French  Admiral  on  that  sta- 
tion, which  is  characterized  as  cruel  and  brutal  in  the  extreme. 
Such  was  the  report  of  Col.  James  Gibson,  who  accompanied 
the  prisoners  as  agent  of  the  cartel   transports  on  the  part  of 
the  commander-in-chief. 
/         There  were  many  other  prisoners  to  be  transported  besides 
those  at  Louisbourg,   which   are   "  summaried "  *  as  follows : 
"The  French  people  transported  from  Louisbourg  to  France 
(including  the  Vigilant'sf  men)  preceding  July  17,  1745,  were 
four  thousand  one  hundred   and  thirty,  whereof  one  thousand 
eight  hundred  and  twenty-two  via  Boston,  and  seventy-six  via 
New  Hampshire.     The  French,  while  in  Boston,  were  allowed 
in  old  tenor  per  week,  namely :  an  inhabitant  from  Cape  Bre- 
ton, twenty  shillings ;  a  sailor,  fifteen  shillings ;  captain  of  the 
Vigilant,  five  pounds ;  second  captain,  three  pounds,  and  each 
officer  forty  shillings." 
^     After  we  have  seen  the  origin  of    the  expedition   against 
Louisbourg,  and  its  progress  and  ultimate  success,  all  brought 
about,  so  far  as  the  former  was  concerned,  by  New  England,  it 
will  seem  very  singular  that  a  reimbursement  to  this  country 
was  a  long  time  withheld  by  the  government  at  home,  through 
the  false  representations  of  influential  bad  men.     This  state  of 
the  case  is  so  well  set  forth  in  a  speech  of  Governor  Shirley  to 

*  Douglait,  I,  568.  six  hundred  men,"  taken  by  Commodore 

f  "A  sixty-four  gun  ship,  with  near     Warren,  May  21.     See  Appindix,  C. 


i.' 

Ir  ;. 

|;   1 

i.i 

^i     ■ 

H  ■     1 

*?;       \ 

I    1 

•-jt*":/*?;, 


speech  of  Gov.  Shirley, 


n 


the  General  Court,  on  the  29th  of  May,  1 746,  that  it  shall  be 
given  in  his  own  words:  .    '      '  ,  ^  ^     :  .,  * 

*'  As  you  may  be  solicitous  to  know  what  success  your  appli- 
cation for  a  reimbursement  of  your  expenses  in  the  late  expe- 
dition against  Cape  Breton  has  met  with,  I  think  it  proper  to 
inform  you,  that  though  I  have  received  several  letters  from 
one  of  your  agents  upon  that  subject,  yet  as  all  of  them  till 
my  last  (which  I  shall  communicate  to  you)  contained  only 
accounts  of  the  disadvantages  which  the  Province  lay  under  as 
to  their  demand,  for  want  of  the  services  of  the  New  England 
troops  in  the  reduction  of  Louisbourg,  being  fully  known, 
whereby  it  happened  that  the  merit  of  them  (upon  which  the 
merit  likewise  of  the  colonies  concerned  in  that  expedition,  it 
is  reasonable  to  think,  will  be  chiefly  estimated  by  the  ministry) 
has  been  most  surprisingly  diminished,  disguised  and  concealed, 
and  the  laying  before  you  these  accounts  could  have  had  no 
other  efFedl  than  to  give  you  a  fruitless  concern  and  uneasiness, 
I  forbore  doing  it,  and  chose  to  wait  for  more  agreeable  ones, 
which  I  have  the  pleasure  to  acquaint  you  I  received  by  the 
last  ship  from  London,  and  find  that  since  the  arrival  in  Eng- 
land of  the  representation  of  the  behavior  of  the  land  forces, 
and  the  share  which  they  had  in  making  the  late  valuable  acqui- 
sition to  the  British  dominions,  which  I  sent  from  Louisbourg, 
to  be  laid  before  His  Majesty,  your  demand  has  taken  a  more 
favorable  turn,  and  there  is  now  a  most  promising  prospetSi:  of 
your  succeeding  in  it,  and  of  our  retrieving  the  honor  of  the 
New  England  land  forces,  and  the  opinion  of  the  merit  of  the 
colonies  concerned  in  the  late  expedition,  which  is  justly  due 
to  them."  .  T 

;<   In  the  same  speech  he  says :     '*  It  is  a  particular  satisfa<Sion 
to  me,  to  consider  that  by  the  method  which  I  have  pursued 


:;., 


j^:::;: 


wmmmm 


.!,(.. -J     .i..., 


ijp 


F  ^ 

|- 

1 

1-^ 

!'  ■    '  ■! 

74  Disparagement  of  New  England. 

for  reinforcing  that  garrison  [Louisbourg]  instead  of  that  pro- 
posed by  the  late  Assembly  and  Council,  I  have  saved  £17,000 
sterling,  greatly  promoted  the  levies  for  the  two  regiments 
[Pepperrell's  and  his  own],  strengthened  the  garrison  more  than 
otherwise  it  would  have  been,  and  made  way  for  the  discharg- 
ing of  such  of  the  New  England  forces  as  are  desirous  to 
return  to  their  homes." 

It  was  as  well  known  in  England  as  in  this  country,  that  the 
principal  credit  of  the  capture  of  Louisbourg  belonged  to  New 
England ;  and  yet  there  were  those  in  Old  England  ready  to 
appropriate  all  the  honor  of  the  enterprise  to  that  country. 
But  there  were  some  there  who  had  honesty  enough  to  place 
the  credit  where  it  belonged,  and  to  ridicule  the  authors  of  the 
claims  to  all  the  glory.  A  writer  in  the  IVestminster  Journal 
of  August  3d,  expresses  the  opinion  that  a  secret  expedition 
against  Louisbourg,  or  any  other  point,  could  hardly  have  been 
put  in  practice  in  England  without  a  discovery.  In  another 
article  in  the  same  journal,  but  of  a  few  days  earlier  date,  there 
appeared  a  dialogue,  in  the  course  of  which  the  following 
homely  though  very  just  cut  is  given:  "Well,  Mr.  B.,"  said 
one,  **  Cape  Breton  is  taken ;  sure  that  must  stop  your  mouth 
for  a  while  at  least."  "Really,"  said  the  other,  "I  think  it  is 
a  very  fine  acquisition;  but  I  remember  a  story  of  a  certain 
lord,  whom  his  companions  used  to  joke,  and  whose  wife  being 
brought  to  bed,  his  lordship  says  to  one  of  them,  *"  Now  I  hope 
I  shall  have  no  more  of  your  impertinence,  for  my  wife  has  a 
fine  boy.'  *  Indeed,  my  lord,*  answered  the  joker,  *I  never 
questioned  your  wife's  abilities  in  that  respeA ! '  " 

The  same  article  then  goes  on,  broadly  intimating  that  the 
whole  undertaking  was  of  New  England  origin,  and  all  that 


Donahew*s  Expeditions. 


7S 


the  English  administration  could  claim  was  the  honor  of  firing 
the  Park  and  Tower  guns  in  honor  of  the  acquisition. 

June  29.  The  gallant  Capt.  Donahew  is  surprised  by  the 
French  and  Indians,  and  himself,  with  many  of  his  men,  slain."* 
His  loss  was  deeply  lamented,  as  he  had  rendered  very  import- 
ant services  on  various  occasions,  especially  in  the  capture  of 
I  ouisbourg,  in  the  siege  of  which  he  was  in  command  of  one 
of  the  ships  of  the  squadron. 

For  a  considerable  time  the  fate  of  Capt  Donahew  was 
unknown,  but  on  the  27th  of  July  a  vessel  came  into  Boston 
from  Annapolis  Royal,  having  on  board  Mr.  Picket,  who  was 
steward  to  Capt.  Donahew,  from  whom  the  fa6ls  of  the  affair 
in  which  himself,  his  commander  and  several  others  fell  into 
the  hands  of  the  Indians,  were  obtained.  Picket  further 
relates,  that  Capt.  Donahew,  with  eleven  men,  went  on  shore 
in  the  Gut  of  Canso,  and  were  at  once  nearly  surrounded  by 
two  hundred  and  fifty-three  French  and  Indians.  Donahew 
and  his  men  being  at  once  cut  off  from  retreating  to  their  ves- 
sel, defended  themselves  for  above  a  quarter  of  an  hour,  in 
which  time  the  captain,  his  brother,  and  three  others  were 
killed.  The  rest,  six  in  number,  all  being  wounded,  were 
taken  prisoners.  The  enemy  had  but  two  killed  in  the  fight, 
but  many  were  wounded.  The  Indians  cut  open  the  body  of 
the  captain's  brother,  sucked  his  blood,  cut,  hacked  and 
mangled  it  in  the  most  barbarous  and  brutal  manner,  and  then 
eat  a  part  of  the  flesh.     They  then  proceeded  to  do  the  same 


i^fV 


•.?;->'^l>. 


*  Dr.  Douglau  sayi  Donahew  wu  dii-  expedition  with  an  earlier  one,  mentioned 

patched    from    Boston    to    remove    the  in  our  text.     St.  John's  Island,  go  named 

French  from  St.  John's  Island,  and  on  by  the  French,  is  that  now  known  aa 

his  way  landed  in  the  Out  of  Canceau.  Prince  Edward's.     Lescarbot  gare  it  the 

Douglass  may  have  confounded  the  last  name  St.  John,  also  Codfitk  Ii/anJ. 


M   1 


7b 


Donahew*s  Disaster. 


II 


fe.. 

; 

1 

5 

k 

-|\ 

nr^ 

1 

,u 

i 

5   1 

ft* 

by  the  bodies  of  the  other  slain.  After  this  exploit  they  set  off 
for  Minas  with  the  seven  that  remained  alive,  the  relator  him- 
self being  one.  Him  they  decided  to  kill  and  eat,  but  some  of 
the  French  interceded  and  pe.suaded  his  captors  to  sell  him,  which 
they  finally  did  for  an  amount  of  money.  From  Minas  he  got  to 
Annapolis  Royal,  and  thence  to  Boston,  as  above  narrated.  The 
other  prisoners  were  taken  to  Canada.  One  of  these,  John  Brad- 
shaw  by  name,  died  there  on  the  24th  of  November  following. 
He  had  recovered  from  the  wound  which  he  received  when  he 
was  taken,  but  his  constitution  was  broken,  and  he  pined  and 
died,  of  consumption  as  was  supposed.  Where  he  belonged  is 
not  known.  Another  was  William  Prindle.  He  died  on  the 
4th  of  July,  1747  ;  was  a  New  England  man,  but  his  residence 
is  not  given.  Another  was  James  Owen  of  Brookfield,  in 
Massachusetts.     He  was  killed  after  quarter  had  been  given. 

It  is  to  this  affair,  perhaps,  that  the  French  writers  at  Que- 
bec refer  in  the  following  passage:  "Lately,  a  boat  belonging 
to  an  English  merchantman  having  landed  at  La  Heve  for  wood 
and  water,  the  Micmac  Indians  killed  seven  of  the  crew  and 
brought  their  scalps  to  Sieur  Marin ;  they  [the  Micmacs]  can 
be  depended  on  to  pursue  the  same  course  as  long  as  means 
will  be  found  to  furnish  them  with  arms,  powder  and  ball."* 

While  the  siege  of  Louisbourg  was  progressing,  Capt.  Dona- 
hew  had  been  dispatched  to  Bay  Verte  to  destroy  the  place. 
In  passing  the  strait  of  Canso  he  met  with  a  party  of  Indians. 
These  were  attacked  by  a  company  of  his  men,  contrary  to 
orders,  who  went  on  shore  under  Captains  Jaques  and  Hanna- 
ford.  They  were  overpowered,  Capt.  Jaques  killed,  and 
Hannafurd  wounded  \  the  rest  escaped.     Donahew  wa3  early 

*  Letter  from  Messrs.  de  Beauharnois  Quebec,  11  Sept.,  1745.  In  N.  T.  Col, 
and  Hocquart  to  Count  de  Maurepaa,  dated     Dttumtntt,  X,  1 1. 


Great  Meadow  Surprise. 


77 


i 


engaged  in  this  war.  We  find  him  putting  out  from  Newbury 
in  a  privateer  on  the  7th  of  November,  1744,  manned  with 
sixty  men.  The  vessel  belonged  to  Boston,  and  hence  it  ap- 
pears the  English  were  not  much  behind  the  French  in  early 
afts  of  hostility.  Donahew  sailed  diredly  to  the  eastern  fish- 
ing ground,  and  made  several  captures  of  French  fishing  ves- 
sels. Taking  notice  of  his  enterprising  spirit,  the  General 
Court  voted  (on  the  7th  of  February)  that,  with  his  vessel,  he 
should  be  taken  into  the  service  of  the  Province.  His  vessel 
was  the  sloop  Resolution.  Andrew  Hall  and  Samuel  Gerrish 
of  Boston  were  his  agents.  These  agents  preferred  a  claim  on 
the  government  in  September  of  the  next  year,  in  favor  of 
Capt.  Donahew's  estate.  F'rom  which  claim  it  is  shown,  that 
early  in  this  war  the  captain  had  captured  eleven  Cape  Sable  or 
St.  John's  Indians,  brought  them  to  Boston  and  delivered  them 
here  in  compliance  with  Gov.  Shirley's  order.  The  claim  of 
the  agents  was  not  allowed,  but  the  reason  for  not  allowing  it  is 
not  given.  Perhaps  the  Indians  were  captured  before  they  had 
commenced  the  war. 

He  had  been  extremely  aftive  against  the  enemy.  In  April, 
1745,  he  took  and  carried  into  Chapeaurouge  Bay  a  French 
brigantine  with  a  cargo  of  molasses,  for  which  the  war  com- 
mittee allowed  him  .£1525    15J. 

July  5.  William  Phips  having  but  recently  settled  at  Great 
Meadow*  fort,  some  sixteen  miles  above  Fort  Dummer,  is 
surprised,  while  hoeing  corn,  by  two  Indians.  They  seized 
him  and  led  him  away  about  half  a  mile,  when  they  stopped, 
and  one  of  them  went  down  a  steep  hill  to  get  something  he 


*  There  were  other  Great  Meadowi }  them  H^nakktukook.  Hopkins,  46,  47. 
one  occupied  by  the  Housatunnuk  Indians,  Thii  ii  in  Westmoreland,  N.  H.,  formerly 
"above  the  mountains, "  1736;  called  by     Narraganset  No.  z.  - 


">^'-'V.'-"'-*f--*-  ^''- 


'■y'^r^  ■^*»>— !>!'  ti'jw^fclt.^ti^-^;';!.!'-*''-' '' 


»^,.^*^t4***-  ^>mn^.-^^ 


^'. 


m^i  '■''. 


78 


Surprise  at  Ashuelot. 


had  left.  On  his  return  Phips  seized  one  of  their  guns  and 
shot  him  down,  and  then  fell  upon  the  other  with  his  hoe, 
which  it  seems  he  had  carried  with  him,  or  perhaps  was  carried 
along  by  the  other  Indian.  With  this  he  knocked  him  down, 
and  after  chopping  him  till  he  thought  he  had  killed  him, 
started  to  run  \  but  at  that  instant  three  Indians  appeared  and 
shot  down  Phips,  killed  and  scalped  him,  and  treated  his  body 
in  a  shocking  manner.  The  Indian  that  was  hotd  so  severely, 
died  of  his  wounds,  according  to  the  information  given  by  the 
Indians  after  the  war. 

Some  time  after  the  death  of  Mr.  Phips,  his  widow  married 
Mr.  Caleb  Howe.  She  afterwards  suffered  a  doleful  captivity, 
as  will  be  seen  by  a  reference  to  her  well  known  Narrative. 

Great  Meadow  Fort  was  in  what  is  now  Putney,  Vermont,  in 
the  eastern  part  of  the  county  of  Windham,  on  the  westerly 
side  of  Connefticut  river.  Putney  is  ten  miles  from  Brattle- 
borough.  It  was  chartered  by  New  Hampshire  in  1753,  and 
in  1766  rechartered  by  New  York,  and  finally  fell  within 
the  jurisdi<Slion  of  Vermont.  The  Great  Meadow  was  in  a 
bend  of  the  river,  comprising  about  four  hundred  acres  of  ex- 
cellent land.  .,, 

July  10.  "The  same,  or  some  other  party  of  Indians,"* 
who  did  the  mischief  at  Great  Meadow,  came  to  Upper 
Ashuelot,  now  the  town  of  Keene,  New  Hampshire,  waylaid 
the  road,  and  shot  and  scalped  Deacon  Josiah  Fisher,t  as  he 
was  driving  his  cows  to  pasture.  He  was  among  the  early  pro- 
prietors of  the  town,  ten  years  before  he  was  slain.     His  body 


*  Doolittlt't  Narrative,  p.  a.  excepting  that  the  author  points  out  the 

f  We  find  nothing  in  the  Annals  of    locality  of  the  murder.     See  Colltffiom  of  ^ 

Kttne  to  throw  any  light  on  thii  affiur,     N.  H.  Hittorical  Satiety,  II,  87. 


til,    .- 


k;.:w»W*S#*?«?;S»;  mfVmm&th'SHi.a&mili^i'i-i^XH!:' 


'&mmu'mmmsMmwimsmmmmm 


^sm=Mm, 


Surprise  near  George* s  Fort. 


79 


was  found  soon  after  he  was  killed,  about  half  a  mile  from  the 
garrison. 

July  1 8.  The  Thanksgiving  which  had  been  appointed  to 
celebrate  the  taking  of  Louisbourg,  took  place  and  was  heartily 

entered  into  all  over  New  Eng- 
land. Sermons  were  preached 
on  the  occasion,  among  which 
was  one  by  the  Rev.  Thomas 
Prince  of  the  Old  South  church 
in  Boston ;  in  which  is  detailed 
the  proceedings  of  that  remark- 
able expedition  with  an  accu- 
racy and  ability  which  has 
rendered  it  one  of  the  very 
best  accounts  anywhere  to  be 
met  with.  It  was  dedicated  to 
Governor  Shirley,  whom  he 
denominated  ^*  the  principal 
former  and  promoter"  of  the 
enterprise.* 

July  19.  War  begins  in  the  eastern  country.  An  express 
arrived  at  Falmouth  from  Capt.  Jabez  Bradbury,  stationed  at 
George's  Fort,  that  a  man  and  forty  cattle  had  been  killed,  and 
a  garrison  and  saw-mill  burnt,  which  is  the  first  mischief  done 
about  the  Penobscot.  They  took  one  prisoner  as  they  ap- 
proached the  fort,  and  fired  on  a  woman,  whom  they  wounded 
in  the  shoulder.  The  report  of  the  gun  and  the  shrieks  of  the 
woman  alarmed  the  garrison,  a  fire  from  which  afforded  the 
wounded  woman  an  opportunity  to  reach  the  gate  and  enter 
it  without  &rther  injury.     Capt.  Bradbury,  in  his  dispatch  to 

*  Sec  Apfxndix,  B.  V' 


■  .'I' 


^'  )t  'fc  ^^f'-TVT  ft!  rm.V'ffffvmrt^iti:,^ 


wm'^mm'^^^m^ 


■I .  JllBW 


'^■'- 


•: 


i'|: 


Indiatt  Murders  at  Brunswick. 


!  ■    I 


1  i  w 


',[ 


Gov.  Shirley,  represented  that  the  Indians  were  about  seventy 
strong,  and  that  they  killed  iiKy  or  sixty  head  of  cattle,  besides 
hogs  and  horses.  Upon  this  news  the  governor  ordered  Capt. 
Thomas  Sanders,  of  the  Massachusetts  frigate,  to  sail  forthwith 
to  the  invaded  territory ;  *  and  Capt.  Bradbury  believing  some 
of  the  Penobscots  were  among  those  who  had  attacked  his  fort, 
notified  the  tribe  to  give  up  such  as  participated  in  it,  in  four- 
teen days,  but  they  took  no  notice  of  the  demand. 

July  30.  On  the  third  of  August  an  express  from  the  east- 
ward arrived  at  Boston  with  the  intelligence  that  the  Indians 
had  surprised  two  men  a  little  above  Brunswick,  one  of  whom 
they  killed  and  scalped,  the  other  they  scalped  and  left  for  dead, 
but  being  soon  after  found  by  his  neighbors,  hopes  were  enter- 
tained of  his  recovery.  The  men  were  not  shot,  but  knocked 
down  and  beat  with  clubs. 

The  same  day  a  man  was  killed  at  Topsham,  and  a  boy  was 
scalped.  The  same  event,  orobably,  recorded  in  the  last 
paragraph. 

Insubordination  began  to  break  forth  among  the  soldiers  soon 
after  the  capture  of  Louisbourg.  It  arose  from  various  causes ; 
a  principal,  perhaps,  was  that  the  men  generally  supposed  they 
would  be  at  liberty  to  return  home  as  soon  as  the  city  was 
taken;  another  was  the  unequal  distribution  of  plunder,  or 
rather  the  disappointment  which  arose  from  the  inhabitants 
being  allowed  by  the  capitulation  to  retain  their  effefts  unmo- 
lested ;  but,  above  all,  sickness  was  making  terrible  havoc 
among  them.  Their  officers  could  only  appeal  to  the  com- 
mander-in-chief at  Boston  for  relief.  Hence  the  clamor  for 
the  governor  became  so  pressing  upon  Gen.  Pepperrell,  that 

*  There  is  given  a  thrilling  incident  Sinden  the  y  ifcr,  by  Mr.  Eaton  in  hli 
connedled    with    the    career    of    Captain     History  of  TAomaiton,  I,  56. 


■'Vp. 


Gov.  Shirley  at  Louisbourg. 


%t 


through  his  and  the  other  olficers'  urgency,  Gov.  Shirley  con- 
sented to  proceed  to  Cape  Breton. 

August  3.  Gov.  Shirley,  with  his  lady,  sails  for  Louisbourg, 
where  he  remained  until  near  December  following,  returning  in 
Boston  Dec.  8th,  after  a  tedious  passage  of  eleven  days.  He 
returned  in  the  Massachusetts  frigate,  Capt.  Edward  Tyng. 
On  leaving  the  ship,  near  Castle  William,  she  fired  a  salute  of 
seventeen  guns,  and,  on  landing  at  the  fort,  it  fired  twenty-one 
guns.  He  lodged  at  the  castle  that  night.  The  next  day  he 
was  rowed  up  to  Boston  in  a  barge,  the  Shirley  frigate  and  other 
vessels  firing  salutes.  He  debarked  at  the  end  of  Long  Wharf 
amid  the  acclamations  of  crowds  of  enthusiastic  citizens,  and 
under  a  military  escort  proceeded  to  his  residence  in  the  Pro- 
vince House. 

While  at  Louisbourg  the  governor  labored  diligently  in  col- 
leiting  an  accurate  detail  of  all  the  proceedings  of  the  siege 
and  capture  of  the  place,  a  copy  of  which  he  transmitted  to 
the  Duke  of  Newcastle.*  All  the  principal  New  England  offi- 
cers attested  its  accuracy  by  their  signatures. 

David  Creighton  and  his  companion,  venturing  a  short  dis- 
tance from  the  garrison  at  St.  Georges  (or  Georges  as  the 
English  generally  wrote  it),  were  killed  and  scalped.  Boyce 
Cooper  and  Reuben  Pitcher,  proceeding  down  the  river  for 
rock-weed,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy  and  were  carried 
to  Canada.  Cooper  was  naturally  jovial,  appeared  contented, 
and  made  himself  familiar  witn  the  Indians  i  gave  them  all  the 
information  they  desired  about  the  English,  their  forts,  cattle 
and  men,  and  thus  secured  good  usage.  His  fellow  prisoner 
seems  to  have  possessed  a  violin,  and  dying,  left  it  to  Cooper, 
which  he  was  able  to  use,  and  thus  enhanced  his  importance, 

*  Thii  valuable  and  authentic  document  will  be  found  entire  in  Appimdix,  D. 


\:i 


■•m^timwMn^m 


^'WW' 


wmmmmmnmm 


,.  a^jgA-^f..  AW»-rit.-<.'.-iw. 


^^^ 


^Mif-i 


82 


« 11  «."■'.: 


^  Declaration  of  War. 


and  eventually  i;ecured  him  an  early  release.     He  was  a  native 
of  Ireland.* 

Aug.  20.  In  a  message  from  Gov.  Clinton  of  New  York 
to  the  General  Assembly  of  that  province,  he  charges  the  Six 
Nations  with  having  broken  their  treaty  of  neutrality ;  that 
from  their  apprehensions  of  having  been  wronged  by  the  white 
people,  they  had  visited  the  governor  of  Canada  the  last  sum- 
mer. He  (the  governor),  recommends  the  Assembly  to  pro- 
vide for  holding  a  conference  with  them  this  fall,  that  their 
g  ievances  may  be  redressed  and  their  friendship  secured.  He 
had  heard  of  two  other  nations  of  Indians  to  whom  he  desired 
to  send  invitations  to  come  to  the  conference;  namely,  the 
Chonondado  and  Jttowas.  The  since  well  known  tribes,  Onon- 
dagos  and  the  Ottowas. 

August  23.  Lieut. -Gov.  Spencer  Phips,  now  afting  governor 
in  the  absence  of  Gov.  Shirley,  declares  war  "against  the 
Eastern  and  Canada  Indians ; "  for  that  the  "  Norridgewack  and 
Penobscot  tribes,  and  other  Indians  of  the  eastern  parts,"  con- 
trary to  treaty,  "are  now  broke  out  into  open  rebellion,"  and 
committed  divers  adts  of  hostility,  entertained  and  harbored 
Cape  Sable's  and  St.  John's  Indians,  joining  with  them  in  per- 
petrating the  most  cruel  murders  upon  persons  in  those  parts, 
burning  their  houses,  and  killing  great  numbers  of  cattle,f 
attacking  the  fort  at  St.  George's  river,  and,  when  a  flag  was 
sent  to  them,  justified  their  perfidy  and  cruelty,  and  bid  defiance 
to  the  government.  Also,  in  the  western  parts  of  the  province, 
had  already  killed  two  and  scalped  them ;  others  were  driven 
from  their  estates,  their  substance  destroyed,  and  in  constant 

■*  The  above  ia  from  Williamson,  who  mmier  of  Captain  Donahew  and  some  of 
gives  no  date.     Hiu.  Maine,  II,  238.  his  men  before  mentioned,  and  the  affair 

•j-  H.  ving  reference,   doubtless,  to  the     of  July  30th  last.. 


Indians  Massacred. 


83 


peril  of  their  lives  in  getting  their  harvests;  that  the  Six  Na- 
tions, who  undertook  for  the  performance  of  neutrality,  had 
failed  to  prevent  what  is  complained  of.  And  it  was  ordered 
that  well  disposed  Indians  who  had  not  joined  the  enemy, 
should,  in  fourteen  days,  repair  to  the  forts  of  the  English,  and 
live  amongst  His  Majesty's  subjects,  in  places  assigned  them, 
and  there  be  protected. 

Sept.  5.  In  the  vicinity  of  George's  fort,  one  Lieutenant 
Proilor  and  nineteen  men  had  a  fight  with  a  number  of  Indians, 
in  which  two  noted  chiefs  are  killed ;  namely.  Col.  Morris  and 
Capt.  Samuel.  Another,  called  Col.  Job,  is  taken  prisoner  and 
carried  to  Boston,  where  he  died  in  prison.  The  following  is 
Lieut.  Pro6tor's  narrative  of  the  whole  affair.  With  his  cap- 
tive. Col.  Job,  the  lieutenant  arrived  in  Boston  Sept.  8th,  in  a 
small  schooner :  "  On  the  fiirst  instant,  being  at  Georges,  and 
understanding  that  a  number  of  Indians  had  been  lately  seen 
near  the  fort,  he  mustered  up  sixteen  men  and  boys  from  the 
block-house,  and  went  in  quest  of  the  enemy.  About  twelve 
o'clock  at  night,  and  three  miles  from  the  fort,  they  discovered 
four  Indians  about  a  fire,  upon  whom  they  discharged  their 
guns,  and  killed  Col.  Sam  and  Lieut. -Gov.  Moxas  (as  he  was 
called),  and  took  Col.  Job  prisoner,  but  the  other  fellow  made 
his  escape.  Those  three  Indians  were  principal  men  of  the 
Penobscot  tribe,  and  all  well  known  in  Boston." 

The  scalps  of  the  other  two  were  brought,  and  the  bounty 
demanded  on  them  according  to  the  governor's  proclamation ; 
but  Lieut. -Gov.  Phips,  in  his  speech  at  the  opening  of  the 
General  Assembly,  remarked  that  the  circumstances  were  such 
as  to  render  it  necessary  to  defei  granting  the  bounty.  The 
governor  had  good  grounds  for  his  delaying  the  bounty,  no 
doubt,  for,  tiom  other  sources  of  information,  it  seems  that 


m  I 


■■i»"(|»ja)Win<>n.',j,    iy,{r^«~^. 


V'  i  r.rV''*' 


1     ; 


', .  .i  ■ 

''4 


iii    ■;'] 


i    /■;! 


1 1-: 


5  li  - 


'1 
1 

'  i 

84 


Eastern  Depredations. 


these  Indians  had  been  to  the  fort,  not  knowing  of  the  attack 
of  the  19th  of  the  last  month,  or  before  the  fourteen  days  had 
expired,  to  trade,  and  had  departed  for  their  own  place,  but  had 
encamped  for  the  night  not  far  off,  and  in  this  condition  (per- 
haps drunk  with  liquor  obtained  at  the  fort)  were  fallen  upon 
as  above  related.  That  no  bounty  was  paid  is  inferred  from 
the  faft,  that  after  the  war  a  present  was  made  to  the  wife  of 
Job  on  account  of  the  loss  of  her  husband.  If  his  value  was 
accurately  estimated  by  the  government,  her  loss  was  not 
great — a  seven-eighth  blanket! 

Sept.  15.  A  son  of  Col.  Gushing  is  killed  by  some  unseen 
Indians  at  Sheepscott,  and  two  lads,  James  and  Samuel  Ander- 
son, are  taken  captive  and  carried  to  Canada.  Their  father 
was  killed,  probably  at  the  same  time.  The  Indians  kept  the 
two  boys  with  them  all  winter,  and  the  following  May  they 
were  sent  to  prison  at  Quebec. 

Sept.  27.  James  Kinlade  is  t^ken  at  Sheepscott,  carried  to 
Canada,  and  imprisoned  at  Quebec.  On  Nov.  19th  one  man 
is  delivered  to  the  prison  in  Quebec,  who  says  James  Ander- 
son's father  was  killed  and  his  uncle  was  taken  at  the  time  he 
was.  Another  man,  Jotham  Williamson,  taken  on  Sheepscott 
river,  was  imprisoned  at  Quebec  at  a  later  date. 

Oft.  5.  In  pursuance  of  Gov.  Clinton's  urgent  request, 
the  Indians  came  to  Albany  to  hold  a  conference  from  many 
of  the  tribes  of  the  Six  Nations,  some  five  hundred  in  number. 
The  governor  having  notified  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island, 
Connecticut,  New  Jersey  and  Pennsylvania,  they  send  the  fol- 
lowing gentlemen,  namely:  Massachusetts,  John  Stoddard, 
Jacob  Wendell,   Samuel   Wells,   and  Thomas   Hutchinson  j 


'■(.> 


s!    ■  !■ 


Conference  at  Albany. 


»i 


Connecticut,  Roger  Wolcot,  Nathaniel  Stanley;*  Pennsyl- 
vania, Thos.  Lawrence,  John  Kinsey,  and  Isaac  Norris. 
Arent  Stevens  and  Coenradt  Weiser,  interpreters. 

The  commissioners  on  the  part  of  Massachusetts  returned 
to  Boston  on  the  20th  of  Odtober,  and  as  a  result  of  their 
conference  with  the  Indians  it  was  published,  that  "the  Six 
Nations  readily  renewed  their  covenant  with  the  several  govern- 
ments ;  that  they  had  taken  the  hatchet  against  the  French  and 
Indian  enemy,  and  only  wait  till  the  governor  of  New  York 
shall  order  them  to  make  use  of  it." 

06t.  8.  A  company  of  thirteen  Indians  surprise  some 
Englishmen  while  gathering  corn  at  Sheepscott,  killing  two  and 
wounding  a  third. 

Oft.  1 1 .  An  attempt  was  made  to  surprise  the  fort  at  Great 
Meadow.  As  the  enemy  approached  it  they  came  upon  Mr. 
Nehemiah  How,  and  took  him  prisoner.  He  had  been  cutting 
wood  some  forty  rods  from  the  fort,  and  was  returning  to  it 
when  he  was  overtaken  by  twelve  Indians,  who  hurried  him 
away  into  a  swamp,  and  there  pinioned  him.  When  he  saw 
the  Indians  he  hallooed  so  as  to  alarm  the  fort,  and  the  men 
inside  fired  upon  them,  killing  one  and  mortally  wounding 
another.  A  third,  who  had  hold  of  Mr.  How,  barely  escaped, 
a  bullet  passing  through  his  powder-horn.  How  was  carried  to 
Canada,  and  from  one  prison  to  another,  and  finally  to  Quebec, 
where  he  died  a  prisoner.  May  25th,  1747,  after  a  year  and 
upwards  of  seven  months'  captivity.  He  left  a  wife  and  several 
children.  A  journal  which  he  kept  to  within  six  days  of  his 
death,  was  recovered  by  his  friends  and  published  in  1 748,  from 
which  these  fafts  are  taken. 


*  It  is  singular,  that  in  the  elaborate     found  of  this  important  mission  of  their 
hittoriea  of  Connedicut  no   mention  is     statesmen. 


86 


How's  Captivity. 


■\ 


It  ! 


Having  secured  their  prisoner,  as  above  stated,  the  enemy 
returned  and  attacked  the  fort  for  an  hour  and  a  half,  but  did 
little  damage.  They  killed  all  the  cattle  about  the  place,  cut- 
ting a  portion  of  the  flesh  from  the  bones  the  better  to  transport 
it.  With  their  prisoner  they  marched  along  the  river  side.  At 
about  three  miles  from  the  fort  a  canoe  was  seen  coming  down 
with  two  men  in  it.  How  knew  the  men  and  made  all  the 
noise  he  could  to  alarm  them,  but  the  Indians  also  saw  them, 
and  shot  at  them  some  twenty  or  thirty  guns,  by  which  they 
killed  one,  David  Rugg,  but  the  other,  Robert  Baker,  got  on 
shore  and  escaped.  They  scalped  Rugg,  and  carried  off  his 
scalp  in  great  triumph.  On  it  they  painted  a  face,  "  with  the 
likeness  of  eyes  and  mouth,"  with  red  paint,  and  when  they 
got  to  Lake  George  they  hoisted  a  pole  some  eight  feet  long, 
with  the  scalp  on  the  top  of  it.  At  Crown  Point  they  were 
met  by  a  multitude  of  Indians.  Here  Mr.  How  saw  an  Indian 
he  was  acquainted  with,  who  took  him  by  the  hand  and  was 
very  glad  to  see  him.  This  Indian  then  went  and  brought  in 
another,  named  Jmrusus,  who  was  the  husband  of  Eunice  Wil- 
liams, who  had  lived  among  the  Indians  forty-two  years,  having 
been  carried  away  from  Deerfield  in  1704.  Amrusus  was  glad 
to  see  Mr.  How,  and  made  inquiry  about  his  wife's  relations. 
Many  attempts  were  made  to  recover  Eunice,  from  time  to 
time,  from  her  captivity  to  17 13,  when  she  was  to  all  intents 
an  Indian,  living  among  the  French  Mohawks  at  Cagnawaga. 
She  had  then  recently  married,  and  would  not  converse  with 
those  sent  to  redeem  her. 

Nov.  16.  A  large  body  of  three  hundred  French  ard  two 
hundred  Indians  came  upon  the  Dutch  settlement  at  Saratoga, 
murdering  the  inhabitants  without  any  opposition.  The  enemy 
were  commanded  by  one  M.  Marin,  accompanied  by  a  mis-; 


*-■-        i  ■ 


.^*^mm^itm^mi'^0m'it>,ii^^M0m^^ 


Attack  on  Saratoga. 


87 


chievous  and  aftive  priest  named  Francis  Piquet.  They 
ravaged  a  large  extent  of  country,  burning  all  the  houses, 
several  saw-mills  with  much  sawed  lumber,  and  a  block-house 
which  belonged  to  John  Henry  Lydius.  Also  all  the  cattle. 
Thirty  persons  were  killed  and  scalped,  and  about  sixty  taken 
prisoners.  All  this  was  efFedted  without  so  much  as  a  wound 
to  any  of  the  French.  A  large  number  of  negroes  *  were 
among  the  captives.  In  the  course  of  the  winter  the  captives 
were  sent  to  the  prison  in  Quebec,  where  many  of  them  died 
of  sickness.  The  news  of  this  attack  reached  Albany  three 
days  after  it  happened,  and  Deerfield  nine  days  after,  namely, 
on  the  25th. f  A  letter  of  this  date  was  at  once  dispatched  to 
Boston,  to  the  eifeit  that  "two  Indians  who  were  taken  at 
Lydius's  fort  got  away  from  the  army  near  Crown  Point,  and 
reported  that  an  army  of  six  hundred  men  set  out  from  that 
place  in  order  to  fall  upon  Deerfield,  but  by  reason  of  a  snow 
were  diverted  and  went  to  Saratoga.  They  have  burnt  Lydius's 
block-house,  and  taken  his  son  ;  Cockensenet  was  killed  there ; 
three  hundred  of  the  army  went  back  with  the  prisoners,  and 
three  hundred  struck  off  to  come  upon  our  frontiers." 

Among  the  prisoners  was  Jonathan  Hagadc>rn,  taken  near 
Fort  Ann,  while  on  a  scout.  He  died  on  the  3d  of  January 
following,  a  prisoner  at  Quebec,  after  a  long  and  painful  sick- 
ness; as  also  did  Capt.  John  Fort,  March  21,  taken  at  the 
same  time  and  place. 

The  Assembly  of  New  York  offers  a  reward  for  Indian 
scalps — ten  pounds  for  those  of  male  Indians  over  sixteen 
years  of  age,  and  twenty  pounds  for  prisoners  brought  in  alive. 


*  Said  to  have  been  about  sixty,  bjr  a 
prisoner  in  Canada  who  saw  them  brought 
to  Montreal .  Some  time  afterwards  their 
ownen  sent  to  redeem   them,   but   they 


to  live  with  the  Indians,  where  doubtless 
they  had  much  greater  freedom  than  with 
their  Dutch  and  English  masters. 

f  The  French  account  may  be  seen  in 


\ 

I 

i 

would  not  go  back  to  slavery,  preferring     the  Nnu  Tork  Col,  Docs,,  X,  38  and  76. 


i^' 


^•■o■^,a^r,-f•,7i"^;•'V;I■;^''5f■5■f'¥;;■^^»:?f•|^*l;^i?' 


p 


I;.' I  I 


88 


Bounty  for  Scalps. 


C(l 


\n.  i 


!!'t''''~:-* 


m 


I  i  1  '  I    ') 


'  !    .'I'l  1    I        ^■'* 
I      .'I'M'  ,        ■    V-. 


•For  the  years  1745,  1746,  and  1747,  the  premium  for  In- 
dian scalps  and  captives  was  one  thousand  pounds,  old  tenor 
per  head  to  volunteers,  and  four  hundred  pounds  to  impressed 
men,  their  wages  and  subsistence  money  to  be  deduced."* 
At  the  same  time  old  tenor  was  to  sterling  money  as  one  to 
eleven.  Hence  it  took  eleven  pounds  of  the  former  to  pur- 
chase what  was  actually  worth  but  one  pound  in  specie. 

Some  time  in  the  year  1745,  as  James  McQuade  and  Robert 
Burns  of  Bedford,  New  Hampshire,  were  returning  from 
Penacook  to  their  homes,  whither  they  had  been  to  procure  corn 
for  their  families,  they  were  fired  upon  by  some  Indians  who 
appeared  to  be  lying  in  wait  for  the  opportunity.  McQuade 
was  shot  down  and  killed,  but  they  missed  their  aim  at  Burns, 
who  ran,  tacking  at  short  intervals,  and  thus  escaped  unhurt. f 

One  Bunten  was  shot  by  the  Indians  in  what  is  now  the 
town  of  Chester,  N.  H.,  "  near  where  Head's  tavern  is  in  Hook- 
sett.     He  was  from  Pelham,  and  was  on  his  way  to  Penacook. "J 


*  Douglass,  I,  565. 

-j-  The  date  of  this  ai&ir  may  have 
been  derived  from  tradition,  which  i« 
generally  very  unreliable,  especially  when 
not  accompanied  by  any  month  or  day  of 
month  on  which  it  happened.     There  it 


a  history  of  Bedford,  but  the  author  adds 
nothing  more  authentic. 

X  Colls.  N.  H.  Hist.  Soc,  VII,  363. 
The  historian  of  Old  Chester  does  not 
throw  any  light  on  this  murder,  not  even 
giving  the  name  of  the  man  killed. 


1 

irll^ 

i 

CHAPTER    VI. 

DIARY    OF    DEPREDATIONS    (continued). 

A  French  Item  —  A  diitreulng  Scene  >t  Corhamtown  —  Eicape  of  Pritonert  —  Captivei  taken  at 
Number  Four — John  Spoffbrd  —  Harvey'i  EKape  —  Surprise  it  Hoplcinton  —  Remarlcable 
Event!  in  the  Narrative  of  Mary  Woodwell —  Upper  Atliuelot  Surprised  —  Deatli  of  Helton  — 
Deatli  of  Putnam,  and  Figlit  at  Number  Four  —  Attacic  on  Contoocook  —  An  Indian  puniihed 
at  Asliuelot  —  Indians  fall  at  Fall  Town  —  John  Buck  —  Attack  on  Lower  Ashuelot  —  Hunt- 
ington—  Two  Men  attacked  near  Fort  Massachusetts  —  Surprise  at  Colerain,  and  Death  of 
Matthew  Clark  —  Persons  killed  near  Albany  —  Others  at  Saratoga  —  Houses  burnt  at  Kinder- 
hook —  Men  killed  near  Schenectady  —  Seven  killed  and  taken  at  Norman's  Creek  —  Great 
Depredation  at  Broad  Bay  —  Surprise  and  Fight  at  St.  George's  Fort  —  Fight  at  Nambw 
Four  —  Affiiir  at  Sheepscott  —  Retaliation  recommended  —  Forces  raised  —  Surprise  at  Long 
Creek  —  A  Surpriie  prevented  at  Port  Massachusetts  —  Hu^h  Morrison  —  Joseph  Swett  killed  — 

Gallant  Defense  of  Number  Four  —  Seven  Pertoni  kilUd 

at  Sheepscott. 

1','Xy'  ',•'■'.'' 
"Z3  HE  Chevalier  de  Niverville,  officer, 
and  Sieur  Groschesne  Raimbault, 
cadet,  left  Montreal  on  March  i6th, 
with  some  Abenaquis  Indians,  on 
their  way  towards  Boston,  and  re- 
turned with  some  scalps  and  prison- 
ers, one  of  whom  Raimbault  took  with  his  own  hand.  Sieur 
Duplessis,  Jr.,  an  officer,  started  at  the  same  time  with  six 
Algonkins  and  Nepissings  in  the  same  direction,  and  joined  the 
preceding  party,  with  whom  he  returned,  bringing  in  a  prisoner 
who  was  captured  at  the  same  time. 

It  is  not  very  clear  on  what  point  of  the  frontier  this  com- 
pany performed  their  exploit.  Pe-rhaps  it  was  at  Number  Four, 
on  the  19th  of  the  following  April.  A  French  leader,  probably 
the  same  Raimbault,  afterwards  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
English,  as  we  shall  see.  • : ;:  ^ 


ill 


^N> 


Massacre  at  Gorham-Town.        [1746- 


llfi'i: 


April  19,  1746.  At  a  new  township  called  Gorham  Town, 
in  Maine,  was  perpetrated  a  tragedy  which  was  thus  reported 
at  the  time :  "  Boston,  April  28.  Last  Tuesday  morning  came 
in  here  an  express  from  Falmouth,  who  informs,  that  on  the 
19th  instant,  about  ten  o'clock,  Mr.  Briant  of  Gorham  Town, 
about  ten  miles  from  thence,  with  three  others,  went  to  work 
in  a  field  three-quarters  of  a  mile  from  the  fort,  when  the  said 
Briant  was  shot  to  death  by  the  Indians;  two  of  the  others 
wen-  taken,  and  the  other  made  his  escape  to  the  fort  and 
informed  that  he  saw  about  twenty  Indians,  who  went  from  the 
field  to  said  Briant's  house,  and  killed  and  scalped  four  of  his 
children,  three  of  whom  were  knocked  in  the  head  by  an  axe,  the 
other  had  its  brains  beat  out  against  the  hearth.  This  was  dis- 
covered in  the  afternoon  by  some  persons  from  the  fort.  His 
wife  was  missing,  and  it  is  supposed  is  taken  prisoner.  One  of 
the  persons  taken  was  seen  to  be  stript  naked  by  the  Indians." 
The  other  persons  taken  were  Jacob  Read  and  Edward  Clout- 
man.  These  were  brought  prisoners  to  Quebec  on  the  14th 
of  May  following.  Mrs.  Briant  was  brought  in  afterwards, 
who,  on  the  20th  of  November,  1 746,  was  married  to  Leonard 
Lydle,  another  captive,  by  the  Rev.  John  Norton,*  also  a 
captive,  taken  at  Number  Four,  as  will  elsewhere  be  seen. 
Mrs.  Sarah  Lydle  (Briant)  died  a  prisoner  on  the  7th  of  May 
of  the  next  year  (1747).  Jacob  Read  was  also  dead,  having 
died  on  the  20th  of  06lober  preceding,  f  Edward  Cloutman 
and  Robert  Dunbar  broke  prison  and  escaped  three  days  after. 
Dunbar  was  taken  not  long  before  as  he  was  scouting  *'on  the 


^  i 

1  \ 

11  "' 

^  1 

f  • 

*  Mr.  Norton  does  not  mention  this  at  the  same  time,  died  eleven  days  after 
circumstance  in  his  Narrative,  which  is  his  father,  but  had  been  longer  in  cap- 
quite  remarkable.  tivity,  having  been  taken  near  Annapolis, 

I  John,  son  of  Jacob  Reed,  a  prisoner  May  9,  1745,  while  on  duty  as  a  soldier. 


1746.]  Surprise  at  Number  Four. 


H>: 


9> 


Carrying-Place,"  and  his  loss  was  greatly  lamented,  as  he  had 
performed  the  most  important  services  as  a  ranger,  ever  since 
the  war  commenced.  He  was  a  New  York  man  probably, 
and  the  Carrying  Place  was  that  between  the  Hudson  and  Wood 
Creek,  doubtless.  Cloutman  does  not  appear  to  have  reached 
his  home,  for  Anne,  probably  his  wife,  petitioned  for  relief  the 
next  year,  as  "her  husband  was  in  captivity,  and  she  was  left 
with  three  children,  and  very  poor." 

April  19.  "The  enemy  came  to  the  uppermost  and  most 
frontier  place  on  Connecticut  river,  called  Number  P'our,  where 
they  took  three  men  as  they  were  going  to  the  mill,  about  half 
a  mile  from  the  garrison,  namely,  Capt.  John  SpafFord,*  Isaac 
Parker  and  Stephen  Fainsworth."  They  were  with  a  team  of 
four  oxen.  The  oxen  the  Indians  killed,  and  after  cutting  out 
their  tongues  left  them.  They  arrived,  with  their  prisoners,  at 
Quebec  the  3d  of  the  following  month.  All  three  of  them 
returned  home  after  a  short  captivity,  but  whether  redeemed  or 
exchanged  is  not  known. 

The  leader  in  this  depredation  was  Ensign  de  Niverville. 
He  took  his  prisoners  first  to  Montreal,  where.  May  14th,  they 
underwent  an  examination.  From  SpafFord  and  Parker  they 
learned  that  two  regiments  were  to  be  sent  from  Boston  to  He 
Royale,  where  over  seven  hundred  men  had  died  ;  that  twenty- 
two  hundred  regulars  had  arrived  at  New  York  from  London, 
at  the  close  of  winter,  and  had  set  out  for  Louisbourg ;  that 


■'■^i^' 


*  A  Capt.  John  Spofford  is  conspicuous 
in  the  SpofFord  Genealogy  in  the  Nev) 
England  Hist,  and  Gen.  Register,  VIII, 
340.  He  settled  at  Charlestown,  N.  H. 
He  may  be  the  captive,  but  as  nothing  is 
said  about  it  in  the  Genealogy,  and  the 
diKrepanciea  in  the  same,  render  it  doubt- 


ful, an  uncertainty  hangs  over  him.  John, 
the  captive,  had  a  wife,  and  while  at 
Quebec  wrote  a  letter  to  Mr.  John  Stod- 
dard, which  letter  Mr.  Stoddard  com- 
municated to  Governor  Shirley,  and  on 
Odober  i ,  1 746,  it  was  read  in  the  House 
of  Representatives. 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
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9t  Hopkinton  Garrison  Taken.         [1746. 

two  thousand  pairs  of  snow-shoes  had  been  made  and  laid  in  at 
Boston,  and  what  Indian  moccasins  were  necessary. 

April  22.  A  man  named  Moses  Harvey  is  shot  at  as  he  is 
passing  between  Northfield  and  Deerfield,  and  narrowly  escapes, 
the  ball  passing  through  the  rim  of  his  hat.  He  returned  the 
fire,  but  whether  with  any  efFe<ft  is  not  known. 

April  22.     The  fort  or  garrison  at  New  Hopkinton  is  sur- 
prised, and  six  days  after  an  account  of  it  was  published  in 
Boston  to  this  purport:     "We  hear  that  the   Indians  have 
lately  surprised  a  garrison  house  in  New  Hopkinton,  and  made 
eight  men  prisoners,  whom  they  found  asleep  in  their  beds,  the 
door  being  left  open,  or  upon  the  latch,  by  a  man  who  had  just 
gone  out  a  hunting."     The  names  of  the  captives  were  Samuel 
Burbank,  his  sons  Caleb  and  Jonathan,  David  Woodwell,  his 
wife  and  sons  Benjamin   and  Thomas,  and  daughter   Mary. 
Jonathan  Burhank,  after  his  redempticn,  became  an  officer  and 
was  killed  by  the  Indians,  they  mistaking  him  for  Maj.  Robert 
Rogers,   against   whom    they    had    sworn    vengeance.      Mary 
Woodwell,  after  a  detention  of  six  months  among  the  French 
at  Montreal,  returned  to  Albany,  thence  to  Hopkinton,  her 
native  place.     She  had  been  twice  married,  joined  the  Canter- 
bury Shakers,  and  died  in  0<ftober,  1829,  in  the  one  hundredth 
year  of  her  age,  having  been  born  May  11,  1730.     Her  first 
husband  was  Jesse  Corbett.     He  was  drowned  in  attempting  to 
swim  across  Almsbury  river,  in  Hopkinton,  since  called  Warner's 
river,  in   1759.     She  had  two  sons  by  him.     She  afterwards 
married  Jeremiah  Fowler,  by  whom   she   had   five  children. 
These  fa£ls  were  gathered  from  her  when  in  hei  .linety-third 
year.     She  stated  that  there  were  but  six  Indians  in  the  party 
that  surprised  the  garrison.     Her  mother,  also  named  Mary, 
died  in  captivity,  December  18,  1747,  at  Quebec.     "She  lay 


I 


i.tii;-4»J'i>i^Wfc*Mp.':--»titV* 


1746.]  Attack  on  Upper  As  hue  lot. 


n 


in  a  burning  fever  about  a  fortnight."  Samuel  Burbank  wai 
an  old  man,  and  died  in  captivity  at  Quebec,  May  19th,  1748. 

April  23.  A  furious  attack  is  made  by  a  body  of  about  one 
hundred  Indians  upon  the  garrison  of  Upper  Ashuelot,  since 
Keene,  in  New  Hampshire.  The  report  of  the  attack  made 
at  the  time  is  thus  given:  ** There  were  about  sixty  of  the 
enemy,  who  were  discovered  in  their  approach,  by  the  garrison, 
early  in  the  morning;  whereupon  the  men  went  out  to  meet 
them,  and  fought,  which  gave  most  of  the  inhabitants  time  to 
get  into  the  garrison,  so  that  there  were  only  an  old  man  and  a 
woman  killed,  and  one  man  missing,  supposed  to  be  taken  cap- 
tive. One  of  our  men,  being  abroad,  was  surprised  by  the 
Indians,  and  submitted  by  laying  down  his  gun ;  but  the  Indian 
who  pursued,  and  had,  as  it  were,  taken  him,  coming  up  to 
him  with  his  hatchet  lifted  up  to  kill  him,  thereupon,  being 
resolute,  struck  the  Indian  with  his  fist  such  a  blow  on  the 
temple  as  laid  him  on  the  ground,  which  gave  him  opportunity 
to  recover  his  gun  and  make  his  escape,  which  he  did,  to  the 
garrison.  The  name  of  this  man  was  Ephraim  Dorman,  and 
another  says  he  encountered  two  Indians,  from  one  of  which 
he  tore  off  his  blanket  and  carried  it  with  .him  to  the  fort, 
leaving  him  entirely  naked." 

The  enemy  had  been  watching  the  place,  intending,  that  as 
soon  as  the  men  went  out  in  the  mining,  to  rush  in ;  but  the 
affair  with  Dorman  timely  alarmed  the  rest.  It  appears  that 
those  who  sallied  out  to  fight  the  enemy  met  with  rough  usage, 
one  man,  Nathan  Blake,  was  captured  and  carried  to  Canada, 
but  was  redeemed  in  the  winter  of  1 747.  Another,  named  Allen, 
was  redeemed  at  the  same  time.  The  enemy  crme  on  very  boldly, 
shot  down  one  John  Bullard,  who  soon  died,  and  8tat>bed  one 
Daniel  McKenny's  wife  in  the  back  with  a  long  knife,  who  also 


I  *t 


»'»HtfW1<i»*«M«Wfc«WtKi«»'^'*' 


94 


Death  of  Holton. 


[1746. 


l!¥w  I 


MSi 


!'  ! 


k 


soon  died.  They  burnt  six  houses  and  one  barn,  and  killed 
twenty-three  cattle.  In  the  ruins  of  one  of  the  burnt  hous<;s 
were  found  the  remains  of  several  Indians  which  had  been  killed, 
and  placed  there  by  their  comrades  for  concealment,  as  was  sup> 
posed.  Mrs.  McKenny  had  gone  cut  to  milk  her  cow,  at  a 
barn  near  by,  and  was  returning  to  the  fort,  when  a  naked 
Indian,  probably  the  one  Dorman  had  stripped,  s^-^rted  from  the 
bushes,  stabbed  her  and  escaped.  She  being  old  and  corpulent, 
walked,  but  slowly,  and  continued  her  progress,  notwithstand- 
ing her  wound  was  mortal,  till  nearly  at  the  gate  of  the  fort, 
when  blood  gushed  from  her  mouth,  and  she  fell  and  expired. 

April  26.  Some  of  the  Indians  who  did  the  mischief  on  the 
23d,  at  Upper  Ashuelot,  as  was  supposed,  waylaid  the  road 
between  Lunenburg  and  Northfield,  where  they  killed  and 
scalped  Joshua  Holton  of  the  latter  town.  He  was  on  his 
return  from  Boston  with  a  large  sum  of  money  for  the  pay- 
ment of  the  soldiers,  and  parties  who  had  billeted  them,  among 
whom  was  Mr.  Benjamin  Doolittle.  They  soon  after  peti- 
tioned the  General  Court  for  the  amount  due  them,  in  which 
petition  they  said  that  the  last  winter  they  had  billeted  the 
soldiers  under  Major  Edward  Hartwell ;  that  the  major  delivered 
the  money  to  Joshua  Holton  to  pay  them,  who  was  killed  by 
the  common  enemy  as  just  stated,  and  the  money  taken  from 
him.  The  petition  went  through  the  usual  stages,  and  on  June 
loth  following  forty-six  pounds  seven  pence  half-penny  was 
ordered  to  be  paid  the  petitioners. 

May  2.  The  enemy  came  again  to  Number  Four,  and  in 
the  night  hid  themselves  in  a  barn  some  fifty  or  sixty  rods  from 
the  fort.  As  Seth  Putnam  a  soldier  belonging  to  the  fort,  went 
out  in  the  morning,  he  war  shot  down  and  killed.  Upon  which 
Major  Joslah  Willard,  with  two  men,  ran  near  the  Indians 


^ 


sesiHiraw«>(w*'- 


1746.] 


Attack  on  Contoocook. 


95 


undiscovered,  and  fired  upon  them,  which  caused  them  to  make 
a  hasty  flight,  with  two  of  their  number  mortally  wounded. 
They  were  in  the  aft  of  scalping  the  soldier  when  fired  upon. 
The  party  of  enemy  consisted  of  eight  Indians,  and  was  pro- 
bably the  same  company,  under  a  chief  named  Thesaotin  of 
the  Sault  St.  Louis,  sent  out  from  Montreal  about  the  20th  of 
April.* 

May  4.  At  Contoocook,  since  Boscawen,  N.  H.,  a  party  of 
Indians  fire  upon  five  white  men  and  a  negro  named  Caesar, 
kill  one  of  the  white  men,  named  Elisha  f  Cook,  and  the  negro, 
who  was  the  slave  of  the  Rev.  Phinehas  Stevens,  the  minister 
of  the  place.  They  took  Thomas  Jones  prisoner,  whom  they 
delivered  at  Quebec  twenty  days  after.  He  died  in  captivity 
in  the  following  August.  He  belonged  to  Sherburne,  but  was 
a  soldier  at  Contoocook  when  taken.  At  the  time  of  this  attack 
Capt.  John  GofF  of  Harrytown,  with  some  thirty-six  men,  was 
on  a  scout  from  the  lower  towns  in  the  direftion  of  Contoo- 
cook, but  was  delayed,  owing  to  a  failure  of  a  supply  of  bread, 
at  Pennycook,  and  there  received  the  news  of  the  murders. 

May  4.  A  party  of  the  enemy  secreted  themselves  about 
the  fort  at  Upper  Ashuelot,  and  in  the  night  attempted  to  sur- 
prise it  by  causing  those  inside  to  open  the  gate  under  the  im- 
pression that  some  friend  had  come  to  gain  admittance ;  but  the 
Indian  who  undertook  to  counterfeit  a  friend  found  a  sad  recep- 
tion, for  the  sentinel  on  duty  took  the  precaution  to  shoot 
through  the  gate  before  opening  it,  thus  shooting  the  Indian 
through  the  abdomen  also.  He  immediately  retreated  for 
Canada,  but  died  before  reaching  Crown  Point. 

The  same  day,  at  Contoocook,  a  Mr.  Thomas  Cook  and  his 

*  See  N.    T.   Col,    Documents,  X,  31.      which  U  an  ejror,  and  Judge  PtAtet  dM 
-j-  Capt.  GofF  gave  h'u  name  Thomaa,     not  corred  it. 


96 


Attack  on  Bernardston, 


[1746. 


r. 


'hi 


son,  and  a  negro  named  Caesar,  are  killed  In  that  part  of  the 
place  called  Clay  Hill,  and  Elisha  Jones  is  taken  and  carried  to 
Canada,  where  he  died  in  captivity"'  the  i6th  of  the  following 
August,  t 

May  6. 1  At  Fall-town,  since  Bernardston,  a  party  of 
Indians  had  concealed  themselves  near  by,  intending  about  mid- 
day, when  the  men  were  at  their  labors  in  the  field,  to  rush  in 
and  take  the  garrison.  But  a  soldier  a  little  space  from  the  fort 
discovered  them,  and  alarmed  those  inside,  though  he  could 
not  recover  it.  There  were  but  three  men  then  in  it,  yet  by 
the  assistance  of  the  women  in  loading  the  guns,  they  success- 
fully defended  themselves,  though  the  enemy  came  on  with 
more  than  their  accustomed  audacity.  Finding  they  could  not 
succeed  they  dri^w  off,  the  amount  of  their  mischief  being  the 
wounding  of  John  Buck  (or  Burk,  as  Taylor  has  the  name) 
slightly,  and  killing  ten  cattle.  The  chief  leader  of  the  Indians 
had  his  arm  broken,  and  one  or  two  others  were  wounded. 
Burk  (or  Burke,  as  the  name  is  since  written)  became  a  man  of 
considerable  distinction,  served  through  the  war  till  the  fall  of 
Canada,  having  attained  the  rank  of  major ;  was  in  the  battle 
of  Lake  George,  in  1755,  and  hardly  escaped  from  the  Indians 
at  the  massacre  of  Fort  William  Henry,  in  1757. 

May  6.  At  Lower  Aahuelot,  since  Swanzey,  Dea.  Timothy 
Brown  and  Robert  MofFet  are  fired  upon  as  they  were  leaving 
the  garrison.  They  returned  the  fire,  breaking  the  arm  of  the 
Indian  leader,  but  both  are  made  prisoners  and  taken  to  Canada, 


111 


M 

f  1 


•  Price,  Hiitory  of  Boscawtn,  37,  and 
Farmer  and  Moore's  Oatuttttr,  p.  83. 

f  According  to  Hov),  p.  18,  who  give* 
hit  Christian  name  at  Thomas,  :ir.d  »ayt 
be  belonged  to  HoUiitoo. 

%  The  date  of  thi«  afliir  il  given  at 


happv.iing  on  the  9th,  by  Dooiittle,  and 
on  the  6th,  by  Taylur.  Oen.  Hoyt  doet  not 
give  the  date.  In  the  Hampthin  Record 
Book  it  it  taid  to  have  occurred  on  the  9th 
of  May.  See  Nnv  Eng.  Hitt.  and  Gtn. 
ktg.,  IX,  163, 


!;' 


^^?'*Sffi!?®^J|||St!;!t'^?3SSi? . 


1746.]       Death  of  Captives  and  others. 


97 


arriving  at  Quebec  June  2 2d.     They  were  both  exchanged  or 
ransomed  soon  after. 

May  7.  One  Christian  Tedder  or  Tether  is  taken  at  Sche- 
ne£lady.  He  died  at  Quebec,  after  a  year  and  eight  days' 
captivity,  namely,  May  15,  1747.  The  same  day  died,  in  the 
morning,  a  young  man  of  much  promise,  Mr.  Hezekiah  Hunt- 
ington, son  of  Col.  Hezekiah  Huntington  of  Norwich  in  Con- 
necticut. He  was  captured  in  a  vessel  at  sea,  on  the  28th  of 
June,  1746;  hence  he  had  been  near  a  year  in  captivity.  "A 
hopeful  youth  of  a  liberal  education ; "  and  another  says  ^*  he 
was  well  beloved  and  much  lamented  by  all  sober,  religious 
persons." 

May  9.  At  Fort  Massachusetts,  in  what  is  now  the  town 
of  Adams,  as  Sergeant  John  Hawks  and  John  Mihils,  or  Miles, 
were  riding  on  a  horse,  they  were  fired  upon  by  two  skulking 
Indians,  and  both  wounded.  Mihils  made  his  escape  to  the 
fort,  and  Hawks  fell  from  the  horse,  and,  as  the  Indians  ran  to 
scalp  him,  he  recovered  and  presented  his  gun,  which  so  damped 
their  ardor  that  one  jumped  down  a  bank,  and  the  other  got 
behind  a  tree  and  called  for  quarter ;  but  Hawks  was  too  con- 
fused to  understand  what  he  meant,  so  stood  hallooing  to  those 
in  the  fort  to  con^e  to  his  assistance }  meantime  both  Indians 
fled,  one  having  his  gun  discharged ;  the  other  had  dropped  his, 
and  did  not  dare  to  venture  from  his  screen  to  recover  it. 

May  10.  Some  of  the  party  of  Indians  that  had  fared  so 
hard  at  Falltown,  waylaid  the  road  at  Colerain,  about  ten  miles 
northwest  from  Deerfield.  Here,  as  Mr.  Matthew  Clark,  with 
his  wife  and  daughter  and  three  soldiers,  were  going  from  the 
garrison  to  Clark's  house,  they  were  fired  upon.  Mr.  Clark 
was  killed  and  scalped,  and  his  wife  and  daughter  were  wounded. 
One  of  the  soldiers  fought  off  the  Indians  with  much  bravery, 
N 


■4 


V"   ■  iWes-Wf*^,; 


mmmm 


98 


Murders  along  the  Mohawk.        [1746. 


I  m\ 


and  succeeded  in  getting  the  mother  and  daughter  into  the  fort, 
having  killed  one  of  the  Indians.  The  wounded  females 
recovered.  According  to  Taylor  the  party  of  Indians  consisted 
of  but  five. 

May  10,  Six  persons  are  killed  in  sight  of  the  city  of 
Albany,  just  across  the  river,  two  of  whom  were  negroes. 
Pursuit  was  immediately  made,  but  before  men  could  cross  the 
river  and  pursue  on  the  other  side,  the  enemy  got  into  the 
woods  and  escaped. 

May  13.  As  three  men  belonging  to  the  garrison  of  Saragh- 
toga  were  fishing  near  that  fort,  they  were  surprised  by  Indians, 
who  killed  a  son  of  William  Norwood,  took  another,  a  German, 
who  used  to  live  with  Col.  John  Schuyler,  while  the  third 
efFe(fted  his  escape  to  the  fort.  Another  person  narrowly 
escaped  being  taken  in  his  own  garden,  within  a  fourth  of  a 
mile  of  the  city  of  Albany.  So  daring  have  the  enemy  become 
that  they  are  daily  seen  about  the  settlements,  and  yet  none  of 
them  are  either  killed  or  taken. 

About  the  same  time  two  negroes  were  taken  at  Stone  Arabia, 
since  Palatine,  on  the  Mohawk  river,  a  German  settlement, 
commenced  in  1709. 

A  day  or  two  later  they  fall  upon  Kinderhook,  burn  the 
''houses  and  barns  of  Tunis  Van  Sluyck  and  Peter  Vosburgh, 
and  kill  their  cattle.     The  people  escaped  to  the  garrison. 

About  the  same  time  Simon  Groot  and  two  of  his  brothers 
are  butchered  three  miles  from  the  village  of  Schenectady. 
The  enemy  burnt  their  buildings,  killed  their  cattle,  and  de- 
stroyed their  other  efFe<as.  They  were  discovered,  while  doing 
this  mischief,  by  the  settlers  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river, 
who  knew  some  of  the  Indians,  particularly  Tom  Wilemau, 
who  had  lately  removed  from  the  Mohawk  country  to  Albany. 


.■■WS!«« 


m>mimmm»»;A'my^^M 


1746.] 


Surprise  at  Broad  Bay. 


99 


May.  At  Norman's  creek,*  about  eight  miles  to  the  west- 
ward of  Albany,  as  fourteen  men,  all  armed,  went  with  a  wagon 
to  bring  corn  from  a  deserted  farm  to  a  house  where  several 
families  had  removed  for  safety,  they  were  met  by  a  party  of 
Indians,  who. killed  and  took  all  the  party  but  two,  who  made 
their  escape  to  Albany.  0:ie  of  these  was  wounded  in  the 
shoulder. 

May  21.  At  Broad  Bay,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Penobscot 
river,  in  Maine,  the  houses  of  the  inhabitants  are  burnt,  and 
their  cattle  killed  about  Pemaquid.  Some  people  were  killed, 
and  others  carried  off  prisoners.  Among  the  latter  was  Capt. 
Jonathan  Williamson,  who,  on  the  26th  of  April,  1747,  was 
carried  to  Quebec.  He  was  exchanged,  and  returned  home  by 
way  of  Boston,  after  about  a  year's  captivity. f  Sullivan  was 
acquainted  with  Capt.  Williamson,  and  had  the  account  of  the 
affair  in  which  he  was  taken,  from  Williamson  himself.  He 
was  well  treated,  and  being  a  man  of  consequence,  and  well 
known  to  the  Indians,  was  taken  alive,  for  the  reason  that  he 
would  be  able  to  give  the  French  valuable  information. 

May  22.  At  St.  George's  fort,  Capt.  Bradbury  having  sent 
out  thirteen  men  about  half  a  gunshot  from  the  fort,  to  peel 
some  bark  for  covering  of  canoes  or  whale  boats  newly  got  ready 
for  making  discoveries  of  the  enemy.  No  precautions  are 
mentioned  as  having  been  taken  to  prevent  a  surprise,  for  no 
sooner  had  the  men  commenced  their  work  than  they  were 
saluted  with  a  volley  from  an  unseen  foe,  killing  at  once  Elia- 


*  Although  Norman'i  kill  falh  into  the 
Hudson  about  two  and  a  half  miles  below 
Albany,  yet  the  course  of  it  is  such,  that 
at  eight  mile*  inland  the  point  would  lie 
to  the  wetrwarj  of  that  city.  See  Spaf- 
fbrd't  Gasi.  of  N.  T.,  p.  361,  ed.  1814. 


f  Compare  Sullivan,  168,  with  Hov;, 
in  Indian  Captivitiit,  138.  ff^illiamton 
was  misled  by  Sullivan.  See  the  former, 
II,  251.  The  editor  of  the  New  Tort 
Colonial  Documents,  following  Williamson, 
hu  made  the  tame  blunder.     See  X,  95. 


trmm 


Im  ? 


loo  Surprise  near  George's  Fort.  [1746. 

kim  Hunt,  badly  wounding  Stephen  Buxton,  Samuel  Peirce, 
John  Davis,  and  Josiah  Harvey.  They  carried  off  one  man, 
Timothy  Cummings,  whom  they  arrived  with  at  Quebec  on  the 
14th  of  the  next  April.  The  captain  of  the  fort  lost  no  time 
in  pursuing  the  enemy  with  most  of  his  men,  not  giving  them 
time  to  scalp  the  man  they  had  killed.  He  captured  one  of  the 
Indians,  took  him  to  the  fort  and  scalped  him.  This  Indian 
was  found  to  be  Job's  son-in-law.  There  is  another  account 
of  the  affair  extant,  but  the  above  is  probably  the  most  reliable. 
In  this  version  it  is  stated  that  two  were  carried  off  captive. 
Of  those  who  escaped  to  the  garrison,  one  was  an  old  man, 
who  was  overtaken  by  an  Indian  with  his  tomahawk  raised  to 
cleave  his  head,  but  the  old  man  had  presence  of  mind  and 
adtivity  enough  to  turn  and  shoot  down  his  pursuer,  scalp  him, 
and  gain  the  fort  in  safety.  Cummings  stated,  on  his  arrival 
in  Canada,  that  the  Indians  killed  the  ensign  as  he  stood  on  the 
top  of  the  fort,  and  that  five  of  the  Indians  were  killed.  Cum- 
mings was  sixty  years  old.  He  died  in  captivity  on  the  14th 
of  April  following  (1747). 

May  24.  A  large  body  of  the  enemy  appeared  again  at 
Number  Four.  Capt.  Paine,  with  a  company  of  horse,  had 
recently  arrived  there,  having  been  sent  by  the  government  of 
Massachusetts.  About  twenty  men  went  out  to  the  place 
where  Seth  Putnam  was  killed,  when  an  ambush  rose,  fired 
upon  them,  and  then  attempted  to  cut  off  their  retreat  to  the 
fort.  Capt.  Phinehas  Stevens,  seeing  this  from  the  fort,  sallied 
out  with  a  few  of  his  men,  when  a  fierce  encounter  ensued. 
At  length  the  enemy  were  put  to  flight,  with  the  loss  of  five  of 
their  number  killed.  They  also  left  on  the  battle  ground, 
thirteen  blankets,  five  coats,  a  gun,  and  other  things.  The 
English  lost  Aaron  Lion,  Peter  Perrin,  and  Joseph  Marcy  of 


avi»A«^ 


Kfl'. 


-  ^M,mt^.%^  :ah' ^'BfciA* m.J^^^^ 


1746.] 


Fig6t  at  Number  Four. 


loi 


Capt.  Paine's  men }  and  Samuel  Farnsworth,  and  Elijah  Allen, 
belonging  to  the  fort.  Quartermaster  Bacon  was  wounded, 
and  with  Ensign  Obadiah  Sartle  was  made  prisoner.  Sartle 
(or  Sartwell,  as  some  write  his  name)  returned  not  long  after. 

May  25.  At  Sheepscott  some  concealed  Indians  Are  upon 
and  kill  one  man,  and  wound  another.  The  wounded  man 
seeing  an  Indian  coming  swiftly  upon  him  to  dispatch  him, 
courageously  turned  upon  him  and  cut  him  down  with  a  hatchet. 
A  moment  after  another  appeared,  but  the  wounded  man  suc- 
ceeded in  escaping  to  the  fort. 

This  is  probably  the  same  event  noticed  by  Smith  as  happen- 
ing two  days  later.  He  says,  as  five  persons  were  returning 
from  meeting  they  were  fired  upon  by  fifteen  Indians,  by  which 
one  was  killed  and  one  mortally  wounded. 

On  the  30th  of  May  the  governor,  in  a  message  to  the 
General  Court,  strongly  urged  the  attention  of  the  members  to 
the  distressed  state  of  the  people ;  among  other  things  he  said, 
"  At  Fort  Dummer  they  are  in  extreme  distress,  also  at  Number 
Four,  and  other  places,  by  reason  of  the  great  number  of  Indians 
that  appear  there.  Upon  the  advice  I  had  about  a  fortnight 
ago,  I  sent  up  three  troops  of  horse,  as  a  most  expeditious  way 
for  a  present  relief;  but  there  is  great  inconvenience  in  this, 
owing  to  a  want  of  forage,  and  they  must  soon  be  discharged. 
The  danger  there  is  of  the  enemy's  being  masters  of  these  im- 
portant places,  I  must  desire  you  to  provide  for  their  immediate 
prote<ftion." 

On  the  3 1  St  of  May,  Governor  Shirley  laid  before  the 
General  Court  a  letter  from  the  Rev.  Mr.  Serjeant,  missionary 
to  the  Housatunnuk  Indians,  in  which  he  recommended  retali- 
ation of  a  character  which  the  governor  did  not  fully  approve  of, 
at  the  same  time  remarking  that  he  was  far  from  any  disposition 


•^H 


I' 


I02 


Dogs  raised  for  the  Service.         [1746. 


to  countenance  cruelty  or  unnecessary  severity ;  yet  whether 
the  practice  of  the  French  in  this  very  case,  and  the  great 
advantage  they  have  over  us,  unless  we  make  reprisals  upon 
them  in  the  same  way,  will  not  justify  us  therein,  is  a  matter 
which  deserves  our  deliberation.  What  the  particular  cast  was, 
is  not  now  very  clear.     Howe"*;r,  on 

June  3,  Massachusetts  voted  to  raise  two  hundred  and  seven 
men  to  be  added  to  the  four  hundred  and  forty  posted  on  the 
western  frontier.  Of  these,  twenty  were  to  scout  from  Stock- 
bridge  (of  which  sixteen  to  be  Indians),  along  the  river  above 
Northfield;  sixty-one  to  be  posted  in  the  counties  of  Middle- 
sex, Worcester,  and  on  the  Merrimack  river ;  ten  at  Sheffield ; 
ten  at  Number  One ;  ten  at  Number  Two ;  the  remaining 
fifty  to  be  a  company  under  such  officer  as  the  governor  should 
appoint,  to  range  the  woods  with  fifty  large  dogs.  Also,  twenty 
men  to  be  sent  to  the  frontiers  of  the  county  of  York,  in  addi- 
tion to  the  six  hundred  and  three  already  there,  and  the  sixty 
men  now  being  raised  to  range  the  woods  in  the  same  county. 
Also  a  surgeon  to  be  allowed  for  the  eastern  service,  who  is  to 
reside  at  Georgetown,  on  Arowsick  island. 

June  5.  The  governor  thought  it  necessary  to  issue  the 
following  proclamation,  so  constant  were  depredations  on  every 
hand  not  prote<Sled  by  the  open  ocean:  "Whereas,  on  the 
25th  of  April  last  I  issued  warrants  to  the  colonels  of  the 
several  regiments  of  militia  within  this  province,  to  give  out 
orders  without  delay,  for  impressing  their  respective  quotas  of 
men  for  the  defense  of  the  frontiers.  And,  whereas,  it  appears 
to  me  that  there  is  a  great  failure  in  the  execution  of  the  said 
warrants  in  divers  of  the  said  colonels,  by  which  means  the 
inhabitants  of  the  frontiers  are  much  exposed  to  the  attacks  of 
the  enemy." 


« 


1746.1 


Surprise  at  Falmouth. 


103 


June  6.  Two  soldiers  are  killed  at  the  side  of  Westcot's 
Field  at  Long  Creek.  There  were  twenty-five  soldiera  in  the 
field  besides  Westcot's  own  people,  and  only  seven  Indians 
drove  them  all,  scalped  the  two  soldiers,  took  oflF  their  clothes, 
secured  three  guns,  and  made  a  safe  retreat.  They  did  not 
know  the  soldiers  were  there  till  after  they  had  attacked  them. 
Two  of  the  English  stood  their  ground  bravely,  though  to  little 
purpose.     Their  '•imes  are  one  Skillin,  and  Stephen  Irish. 

In  another  and  more  circumstantial  account  of  this  affair,  it 
is  said  to  have  taken  place  on  the  5th  of  June ;  that  as  three 
soldiers  were  set  to  guard  those  at  work  in  the  field,  being 
placed  at  the  entrance  of  a  thick  wood,  one  of  them  stood  with 
his  back  against  a  tree,  while  his  two  companions  were  care- 
lessly diverting  themselves  lying  upon  the  giound.  The  Indians 
stole  up  to  the  tree  and  attempted  by  a  line  to  tie  the  man  to 
the  tree,  and  then  secure  the  others  as  prisoners  also ;  but  when 
seized  the  man  at  the  tree  alarmed  the  other  two  by  his  outcry, 
and  at  the  same  time  broke  away  from  the  Indians,  who  imme- 
diately fired  upon  him,  wounding  him  in  the  arm.  They  also 
fired  upon  the  other  two  as  they  were  rising  from  the  ground, 
killing  them  both.  Two  of  the  men  at  work  not  far  off, 
caught  up  their  guns,  and,  meeting  the  wounded  man,  with  him 
advanced  upon  the  Indians,  fired  upon  and  wounded  one  of 
them  i  upon  which  they  all  precipitately  fled. 

The  place  of  this  affair  was  probably  where  a  small  stream 
falls  into  Back  Cove ;  perhaps  on  Stroudwater. 

June  10.  Captain  Eleazar  Melvin  sent  in  a  petition  to  the 
General  Court,  asking  for  fifty  men  to  be  added  to  the  fifty 
already  in  his  company. 

June  n.  Some  men  who  were  at  work  not  far  from  Fort 
Massachusetts,  are  fallen  upon  by  a  party  of  Indians,  who  kill 


I 


>i 


104  Attempt  on  Fort  Massachusetts.      [1746. 

and  scalp  Elias  Nims,  and  wound  Gershon  Hawks.  They  had 
laid  an  ambush  of  part  of  their  number  to  cut  off  the  retreat 
to  the  fort  of  any  who  might  attempt  it ;  and  though  the  am- 
bush rose  to  carry  their  plan  into  execution,  were  prevented  by 
a  sharp  fire  from  the  fort.  They  took  Benjamin  Taintor  cap- 
tive, but  he  returned  not  >g  after.  He  was  son  of  Deacon 
Simon  Taintor  of  Westborough.  Near  one  hundred  of  the  ani- 
mals belonging  to  the  English  and  Dutch  are  killed  by  this 
party  of  Indians,  some  of  whom  lost  their  lives,  but  how  many 
is  not  known.  The  body  of  one  is  found  a  few  days  after, 
buried  in  the  bank  of  the  river;  also  some  long  cords  were 
found,  judged  to  have  been  brought  along  by  which  to  lead 
captives. 

On  the  same  day  Hugh  Morrison,  of  Colerain,  reported  to 
the  General  Court  of  Massachusetts  that  he  had  built  a  good, 
defensible  block-house  at  his  own  charge,  and  also  "a  garrison 
round  his  h<  jse."  He  requested  to  be  reimbursed,  because 
these  works  were  a  pvblic  benefit.  The  court  thought  so  too, 
and  ordered  the  committee  which  had  been  appoi:ited  to  ereft 
block-houses  in  the  county  of  Hamshire,  to  adjust  the  matter. 

June  12.  Captain  Arthur  Savage,  "late  of  Pemaquid," 
reported  thi;t  he  had  expended  upon  the  fort  there  £1 136  qj.  lid. 
more  than  the  court  had  granted  him.  £284  2f,  bd.  was  voted 
him  on  the  25th  following,  "includu.;?  £100,  part  of  £300 
formerly  granted  and  not  received." 

June  16.  Mr.  Joseph  Swett*  is  shot  from  his  horse  while 
riding  along  the  road  near  Blanchard's,  in  North  Yarmouth. 
He  belonged  to  Falmouth.  Blanchard's  was  where  Captain 
Andrew  Blanchard  lived  afterward. 

June  19.     Number  Four  was  for  a  long  time  a  point  of  great 

*  In  another  account  Swett'i  Christian  Aame  it  given  John^  and  hii  death  June  17. 


tmi^f^i^^wm>TK^«'V¥''r'.« 


1746']     InJiiins  repulsed  at  Number  Four.        105 

attraction  to  the  enemy,  and  as  it  stood  in  the  way  of  their 
excursions  to  the  settlements  below,  they  seemed  deter- 
mined to  destroy  it;  hence  at  this  time  they  came  against 
it  in  strong  force,  though  their  exa6t  number  is  not  known. 
While  the  enemy  lay  in  ambush  about  the  fort,  Capt.  Phinehas 
Stevens,  the  commander  of  the  post,  and  Capt.  Josiah  Brown, 
from  Sudbury,  went  out  with  about  fifty  men  to  a  meadow; 
they  became  aware  of  the  presence  of  Indians  by  the  uneasi- 
ness cf  their  dogs,  and  rightly  judged  that  they  were  waylaying 
a  certain  causey  where  they  were  to  pass.  Capt.  Stevens  made 
his  approach  accordingly.  As  the  English  were  cautiously  pro- 
ceeding, one  of  Capt.  Brown's  men  discovered  an  Indian  and 
fired  upon  him,  whereupon  the  ambush  arose,  and  a  sharp 
engagement  ensued,  and  with  much  '^'■'stinacy,  till  several  of 
the  enemy  had  fallen,  and  were  dragged  off  by  their  com- 
panions. They  then  scattered  in  the  neighboring  woods,  leav- 
ing behind  them  one  gun,  eight  blankets,  a  scalp,  and  other 
things.  Capt.  Stevens  lost  none  of  his  men  in  the  fight,  but 
Jedidiah  Winchell  was  mortally  wounded,  and  died  about  four- 
teen days  after.  David  Parker,  Jonathan  Stanhope,  and  Cornet 
Heaton  i^ere  wounded  also,  but  recovered.  Stanhope  belonged 
to  Sudbury.  His  wound  was  in  the  elbow,  which  disabled  him 
from  labor  and  government  allowed  him  a  pension  of  four 
pounds  per  annum.  About  thirteen  years  afterwards  he  had  a 
further  allowance  of  one  pound  per  annum  in  addition.  * 


I 


•"They  received  the  toss  of  no  men,  but 
four  or  five  wounded.  They  sent  forty  of 
the  men  to  carry  the  wounded  men  to  the 
fort,  and  the  rest  maintained  the  fight  and 
stood  them  manfully.  After  the  fight 
was  over  they  found  where  they  drew  off 
several  dead  Indians  into  a  swamp.     They 

o 


sent  down  a  troop  of  men  to  guard  Mr. 
Doolittle  ^nd  Dr.  Williams  to  cut  off  'he 
arm  of  one  of  their  men  [  Stanhope  ?  ] 
that  was  sore  wounded."  Deacon  Nr-ih 
Wrigkf$  Journal,  in  N.  E.  Hitt.  and 
Gen.  Reg.,  II,  ao8.  Mr.  Doolittle  is  the 
same  as  is  mentioned  ante,  p.  lo. 


io6 


People  killed  at  Sheepscott.  [1746. 


From  another  source  it  appears  that  Capt.  Stevens  was  pro- 
ceeding from  his  fort  in  search  of  horses  belonging  to  his  men, 
when  the  Indians  were  discovered,  to  the  number  of  one 
hundred  and  fifty,  as  was  supposed.  The  English  had  the 
advantage  of  the  first  fire.  Finding  they  were  getting  the 
worst  of  it,  the  Indians  fled  into  a  swamp,  and  the  English  did 
not  think  it  prudent  to  pursue  them ;  and  they  did  not  explore 
the  battle  ground  until  the  next  day,  when  they  found  traces  of 
Indians  killed  to  the  number  of  ten  or  twelve.  The  blankets, 
swords,  hatchets,  and  other  things  found  there,  were  sold  for 
j£40,  "a  large  booty  from  such  a  beggarly  crew."        -    -   ,  i   i 

June  22.  Seven  persons  are  killed  at  Sheepscott ;  namely, 
three  men,  two  women,  and  two  children,  and  a  girl  is  taken 
captive,  as  they  were  at  work  in  a  field  within  a  few  rods  of 
the  garrison. 


*  -'■* 


4 


CHAPTER    VII. 


,     ,     i        DIARY    OF    DEPREDATIONS    (continued). 


Return  of  Pepperrell  xnd  Warren  from  Louisbourg  —  Ceremoniei  thereupon  —  Attack  on  Bridg - 
man's  Fort  —  People  killed  ut  Rochetter  —  Fight  at  Hinidaic  —  Capt.  Route's  Failure  — 
Capt.  Drake's  Expedition  —  David  Morrison  lost  —  Losses  at  Number  Four  —  The  Six  Na- 
tions—  Depredation  at  Winchester—  At  Contoocook  —  At  North  Yarmouth  — At  Northfield  — 
At  Concord,  N.  H.  — At  Black  Point  — At  Shatluck's  Fort  —  At  Paquage  — Siege  and 
Capture  of  Fort  Massachusetts  —  French  Account  of  the  same — Mohawks  at  Crown  Point  — 
Constant  Bliss  killed — Depredation  at  Deerfield  —  New  Casco — Pemaquid  —  Schodac  — 
Saratoga  —  Saco  —  Swi«el  Cans  ordered  for  Garrisons — A  Scalp  brought  to  Boston  —  SubjeA 
of  Exchange  of  Prisoners  agitated  —  Capt.  Gorham's  Expedition  —  A  French  Armada  on  the 
Coast  —  Its  Disasters. 

UT  amidst  the  continual  alarms  from 
attacks  of  the  enemy  upon  the  fron- 
tiers, it  was  announced  in  Boston 
that  the  admiral  and  general  were 
coming  up  the  harbor.  They  appear 
to  have  been  expe£ted  about  this 
time  from  Louisbourg,  and  nothing 
was  omitted  on  the  part  of  the  in- 
/\  . ;   ■ ..  habitants  to  do  them  honor.     They 

came  in  a  fifty-gun  ship,  the  Chester,  Captain  Richard  Spry, 
with  a  blue  flag  at  the  mizzen  topmast,  \^hich  denoted  tha^  the 
Admiral  of  the  Blue  was  on  board. 

The  General  Court  was  in  session,  and  undertook  to  take 
suitable  action  to  receive  the  conquerors,  but  the  excitement 
seems  to  have  caused  a  hasty  adjournment,  leaving  their  pro- 
ceedings quite  incomplete,  and  Mr.  Secretary  Cotton  probably 
forgot  to  write  up  his  journal  after  the  excitement  was  over. 
However,  we  finii  that  Mr.  Speaker  Hutchinson  was  appointed 


■■ 


i' . h } 


1 08  Commanders  from  Louisbourg.       [1746. 


to  welcome  the  commanders,  who  seem,  somehow,  to  have 
gotten  into  the  council  chamber  of  the  court-house  before  the 
court  was  ready  for  them,  when  tuc  following  ceremonies 
occurred:     The  Speaker  said, 

"y/fi/m/rfl/ Warren  and  Sir  William  Pepperrell: 

"The  House  of  Representatives  of  this  Province  have  a 
high  sense  of  the  service  you  have  done  for  his  Majesty's  Sub- 
je£ls  in  general,  and  for  the  People  of  Nnv  England  in  par- 
ticular: And  it  is  with  the  greatest  Pleasure  they  embrace  this 
happy  Opportunity  of  acknowledging  it. 

**In  their  Name  and  by  their  Order  I  Congratulate  you  on 
your  safe  Arrival  in  the  Province,  and  most  heartily  bid  you 
welcom.  • 

"To  which  Admiral  Warren  repli'd; 


•  >t!       \ 


m 


%    \ 


1746.]        Surprise  near  Fort  Dummer. 


109 


*'Mr.  Speaker, 

"  /  am  obliged  to  this  honourable  House  for  the  great  Resped 
they  have  shown  me :  They  may  depend  upon  my  Zeal  and  Service 
while  I  live  for  the  Colonies  in  general^  and  this  Province  in  par- 
ticular. V        ' 

"Sir  William  Pepperrell  also  said  as  follows, 
"Mr.  Speaker, 

*'  /  am  heartily  obliged  to  the  honourable  House  for  the  RespeH 
they  have  shown  me ;  and  I  hope  I  shall  be  always  ready  to  risque 
my  Life  and  Fortune  for  the  Good  of  my  dear  native  Country." 

June  24.  About  twenty  Indians  make  an  attack  on  Bridg- 
man's  Fort,*  about  two  miles  below  Fort  Dummer,  and  since 
in  the  to\^n  of  Vernon,  Vermont.  They  killed  William  Rob- 
bins  and  James  Barker  of  Springfield,  wounded  Michael  Gil- 
son  and  Patrick  Ray,  and  took  Daniel  How  and  John  Beaman, 
of  Northfield,  captive,  who  not  long  after  returned,  and  the 
wounded  men  recovered.  Before  they  secured  Beaman  he 
shot  one  of  the  Indians,  killing  him  outright.  How  was  son 
of  Daniel  How,  and  nephew  of  Nehemiah  How,  who  died  in 
captivity,  as  already  noticed  under  October  11,  1745.  It  ap- 
pears that  the  men  killed,  wounded,  and  taken,  were  at  work 
in  a  meadow  at  some  distance  from  the  fort,  when  they  were 
surprised  by  the  enemy,  Belknap  gives  the  names  of  the  men 
quite  different  from  Doolittle,  whose  account  is  followed. 
Belknap  says  How  killed  the  Indian,  that  James  Baker  was 
killed,  and  that  John  Beaman  was  taken.  And  Nehemiah  How 
records  in  his  journal,  that  on  the  7th  of  July  (1746)  John 

*  A  little  below  Bridgman's  Fort,  at  a  place  called  Cold  Spring.   fFrigkt^t  yournsl. 


i  ':■< 


^^^p^ 


no 


till 


Rochester  People  killed. 


[1746. 


Betnan,  of  Northiield,  was  brought  to  Quebec,  and  that  How 
arrived  there  on  the  loth  of  February  following.* 

"On  the  1 8th  of  July  Lieut.  Falaise  brings  into  Montreal 
an  Englishman  named  John  Bimant,  taken  on  the  ist  instant 
at  Northfils,  fourteen  miles  above  Dierfils,  by  a  party  of  Indians 
belonging  to  the  Sauk"  [St.  Louis]. t 

At  his  examination  Beaman  did  not  fail  to  represent  the  pre- 
parations of  the  English  to  take  Canada  on  a  scale  which 
caused  the  French  very  great  alarm.  He  told  them  the  English 
army  designed  against  Fort  St.  Frederick  consisted  of  thirteen 
thousand  men  and  fifteen  hundred  Mohawk  Indians.  This 
probably  did  not  exceed  the  will  if  it  did  the  power  of  the 
people.  He  told  them  the  English  were  determined  to  perse- 
vere till  Canada  was  taken,  and  that  the  King  of  England  had 
promised  to  support  the  colonists  till  they  had  effe(fted  it. 

June  27.  A  party  of  Indians  came  to  Rochester,  in  New 
Hampshire,  on  the  westerly  side  of  the  northern  branch  of 
Pascataqua  river,  about  twenty-two  miles  above  Portsmouth, 
where,  discovering  five  men  at  work  in  a  field,  having  their 
guns  within  reach,  the  Indians  cunningly  induced  the  English 
to  discharge  all  their  guns  at  once,  by  firing  one  of  their  own. 
Having  thus  in  efFeft  rendered  the  English  harmless,  they 
rushed  upon  them  before  they  could  reload  their  pieces.  They 
retreated  to  a  small  deserted  house,  securing  the  door  after 
them.     The  Indians  mounted  the  roof,  broke  through  it,  and 


;k  •' ' 


•  Feb.  15th  [174^].  My  nephew, 
Daniel  How,  and  six  more,  were  brought 
down  from  Montreal  to  Quebec,  viz : 
John  Sunderland,  John  Smith,  Richard 
Smith,  William  Scott,  Philip  Scofil,  and 
Benjamin  Tainter.  Hovi'i  Narrative,  ai. 
Philip  Scaffield  died  on  the  7th  of  April 


following.      Ibid. 

■f  French  account  in  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs., 
X,  5 1 ;  but  the  dates  do  not  correspond, 
allowing  even  for  the  diflvrence  of  style. 
If  the  French  date  is  right,  the  people 
were  killed  and  taicen  on  June  zo,  which 
i«,  indeed,  according  to  Taylor. 


■jfejttfefetoijiig'igjqa^^ 


I  If*  iiitflrri  m  trr"  ■*■!'■  ^tf  - ' 


1746.] 


Ftgibi  at  Hinsdale, 


III 


with  their  guns  and  tomahawks  killed  Joseph  Heard,  Jos«,ph 
Richards,*  John  Wentworth,  and  Gershom  Downs.  John 
Richards  they  wounded  and  took  prisoner.  They  then  crossed 
the  river,  where,  uf>on  another  road,  they  found  some  men  in 
a  field,  but  all  of  these  escaped.  They  secured  one  prisoner, 
a  boy  named  Jonathan  Door,  whom  they  caught  sitting  upon  a 
fence.  In  little  less  than  a  month  the  Indians  arrived  at  Qu*;- 
bec  with  Richards  and  the  boy.  The  former  was  kindly  used 
by  his  captors,  and  his  wounds  cured,  ai.d  after  some  eighteen 
months  he  was  sent  to  Boston  under  a  flag  of  truce.  The  boy 
Door  remained  among  the  Indians  some  fourteen  years,  but 
returned  after  the  conquest  of  Canada,  having  fully  acquired 
the  habits  and  language  of  the  Indians.  At  Montreal  Richards 
underwent  a  close  examination,  from  whom  much  information 
was  elicited  as  to  the  great  preparations  being  made  by  the 
English  to  subdue  Canada,  more  than  corroborating  the  large 
statements  of  Beaman.  He  returned  home  not  long  after,  and 
lived  to  an  advanced  age,  dying  in  Rochester  in  1793. 

July  3.  A  small  party  of  Indians  formed  themselves  into 
an  ambush  at  Col.  Hinsdale's  mill,  in  Hinsdale,  N.  H.,  about 
thirty-eight  miles  above  Northampton.  The  inhabitants  for 
some  miles  around  were  obliged  to  club  together  and  perform 
guard  duty  whenever  they  wanted  their  corn  ground.  At  this 
time  Colonel  Willard  went  with  a  guard  of  about  twenty  men 
to  the  mill,  and,  mistrusting  an  ambush,  warily  proceeded  to 
discover  it,  in  which  he  proved  himself  more  alert  than  the 
Indians,  for  he  discovered  and  routed  the  ambush,  obliging 

♦  Aujust  I.  Lieut.  Chitelain.  of  Three  was  taken  prisoner  by  a  party  of  Abanalcit 
Rivers,  arrived  [.vt  Montreal]  with  the  twenty-three  days  ago,  near  Rochetter. 
Englishman   nimed   John   Richard,  who     N.  Y.  Col.  Dotumems,  X,  54. 


p^p 


mmmBBm. 


112 


Ci)p£.  Rous' s  Disaster. 


[1746. 


them  to  fly,  leaving  their  packs  behind  them.     The  plunder 
thus  secured  ihe  captors  sold  for  .£40,  old  tenor. 

The  better  to  deceive  the  enemy,  probably,  the  English  com- 
menced grinding  in  the  mill  before  falling  upon  them,  and 
although  the  Indians  fired  upon  Willard's  party,  with  great 
resolution  the  major  ordered  his  men  "to  fire  and  fall  on," 
which  they  promptly  did,  and  thus  causing  them  to  fly  in  dis- 
may. Of  the  major's  party  only  one  man  was  wounded,  whose  , 
name  was  Moses  Wright,  two  of  his  fingers  being  shot  ofF. 

July  10.  Captain  Rouse  having  been  dispatched  to  the  ' 
island  St.  John  (since  Prince  Edward's),  to  take  off  the  French 
inhabitants,  a  party  of  his  men,  going  on  shore,  are  fallen  upon 
by  a  large  body  of  Indians,  who  kill  and  take  twenty-eight  of 
them;'*'  meantime  the  inhabitants  escape  into  the  woods,  and  . 
thus  the  object  of  the  expedition  is  d-feated.  Rouse  had  with 
him  several  small  vessels,  which  were  magnified,  in  the  French 
accounts,  into  frigates  of  twenty-four  guns  and  a  transport  of 
seven  hundred  tons  and  twenty  men.  The  English  landed  at 
Port  Lajoie,  now  Port  Joy,  near  the  mouth  of  York  river. 
The  number  of  Indians  who  surprised  the  English  was  two 
hundred.  They  were  Micmacs,  and  under  the  leadership  of 
M.  Croisille  de  Montesson.  "They  killed  or  made  prisoners 
of  all  of  them  except  a  few  who  escaped  by  swimming"  to 
their  vessels.  The  English  had  on  shore,  "in  a  park,  a 
quantity  of  oxen  and  other  cattle,"  which  they  had  procured 
for  provisions.  These  the  Indians  killed  for  their  own  usc.f 
But  few  of  the  names  of  Rouse's  men  are  found,  and  these 


*  American   Magazine,   and  Douglass,  in  this  year  {  and,  indeed,  in  the  greater 

Neither  Hutchinion  nor  Holmes  mention  part  of  the  period  of  this  war. 
this  unfortunate  affair.     The  latter  is  un-         f  Paris   Documents  in    Col.   History  ^ 

accountably  deficient  and  barren  of  fa£ts  Ncv)  TorJt,  X,  57. 


1746.1 


Prisoners  in  Canada, 


"3 


were  among  the  prisoners,  namely,  William  Daily,  of  New 
York,  who  died  at  Quebec  December  26th,  following ;  Richard 
Bennet,  died  27th  February,  1 747.  He  belonged  to  the  Jersits. 
Samuel  Vaughan,  died  April  i8th,  ilffj.  He  belonged  to 
Plymouth,  in  New  England.  Wiliiam  Prindle  died  July  4th, 
1748.  William  Norwood,  who  died  July  nth,  1748.  A 
soldier  of  Louisbourg,  named  Davis,  who  died  Nov.  loth,  1746. 

The  following  entry  in  How's  journal  probably  relates  to 
this  sad  affair:  "August  15th,  1746,  seven  captives,  who, 
with  eight  more  taken  at  St.  John's  Island,  were  brought  to 
prison  [at  Quebec].  They  told  us  that  several  were  killed 
after  quarters  were  given,  among  whom  was  James  Owen,  late 
of  Brookfield,  in  New  England."  * 

The  same  narrator  says  Robert  Downing  was  brought  to 
prison  (at  Quebec)  September  12th;  that  he  was  one  of  those 
taken  at  St.  John's;  that  he  was  with  the  Indians  two  months, 
and  suffered  great  abuses  from  them. 

To  secure  the  Six  Nations  of  Indians  on  the  side  of  the  Eng- 
lish was  thought  to  be  of  immense  importance.  Accordingly 
Governor  Clinton,  of  New  York,  had  by  messengers  arranged 
for  deputations  of  them  to  come  to  Albany  on  the  20th  of 
July.  He  thereupon  notified  the  governors  of  all  the  colonies 
to  send  delegates  to  the  conference.  An  expedition  against 
Canada  had  been  resolved  upon,  therefore  the  cooperation  of 
the  Indians  of  those  nations  was  thought  indispensable;  so 
much  so  by  the  commander-in-chief,  Gov.  Shirley,  that,  in  his 
request  to  the  General  Court  to  appoint  commissioners,  he  said 
he  had  reason  to  fear  the  expedition  would  fail  if  their  aid  was 
not  secured.     The  result  was  comniissioners  were  appointed, 

*  How'i  Narrttivt,  p.  l8. 


»^>*i.i.liw*ii>«iirii  'iyiil>iy«ii .  ■^^^•'^•■vfc- 


-»feV*»*Wtf>'«*«'9 


■--jte-aMR 


ne 


mammmmmmmmmmm 


mumm 


114 


Scouts  and  Ambushes. 


[1746. 


1 


although  some  difficulty  was  experienced  in  finding  gentlemen 
to  accept  the  office. 

The  Indians'  services,  or  rather  cooperation,  was  to  be 
secured  by  presents.  For  this  end  the  Massachusetts  com- 
missioners were  to  take  with  them  seven  hundred  ounces  of 
silver,  or  an  equivalent  in  gold,  which  they  were  to  lay  out  in 
articles  which  they  should  judge  suitable  for  the  purpose  of 
presents.  .         ;  ;, 

July  28.  Captain  Nathaniel  Drake,  of  Hampton,  New 
Hampshire,  with  his  troop  of  mounted  men,  proceeded  to  scout 
in  and  about  the  woods  of  Nottingham,  where  some  Indians  had 
been  lately  seen,  but,  after  ten  days'  diligent  search,  none  of 
the  enemy  were  discovered. 

David  Morrison,  of  Colerain,  a  young  lad,  seeing  a  hawk 
light  on  a  tree  a  little  distance  from  his  father's  fort,  went  out 
to  shoot  it.  As  he  was  intent  on  his  object,  about  a  dozen 
Indians  sprang  from  their  hiding  places,  seized  and  carried  him 
away  captive.     Nothing  was  ever  heard  of  him  after. 

August  2.  At  the  eastward,  "  the  Indians  came  upon  Mr. 
Proftor's  folks,  and  we  hear  that  they  killed  one."* 

August  3.  Number  Four  is  again  visited  by  a  large  body  of 
the  enemy.  The  >'  "gs  belonging  to  the  garrison  gave  notice  of 
their  vicinity.  Early  in  the  morning  a  few  men  went  out,  and 
near  a  nursery  were  fired  upon  by  some  Indians  in  ambush,  by 
which  Ebenezer  Phillips  is  killed.  Some  time  after,  as  a  com- 
pany of  men  from  the  fort  went  to  bring  in  the  body  of  Phillips, 
the  ambuscade  rose  and  fired,  as  it  was  said,  an  hundred  guns 
at  them.     The  English  returned  the  fire,  retreating  to  the  fort. 

*  Smith*!  Journal.  Mr.  Willii  makes  tor  wai  a  ion  of  John,  who  wa«  executed 
no  note  of  this  in  his  edition  of  Smith  and  at  Salem  for  witchcraft ;  that  he  settled 
Dtant,  but  informs  us  that  Samuel  Proc-     in  Portland  in  1718, 


e:|      l;||= 


iwiiii*iini—in»nii  iiiiiiiiiiim  iiinw»«a>wffii>w*ii  ,iitiiiii«  mm%W(f0Mtt$ 


i »ll  lill 


1746. 


Surprise  at  Winchester. 


"5 


The  Indians  besieged  it  till  the  next  day,  the  men  not  being 
sufficiently  strong  to  make  a  successful  sally.  Meantime  the 
enemy  killed  all  the  cattle,  burnt  all  the  buildings,  and  drew  off 
at  leisure. 

August  6.  About  thirty  Indians  came  to  Winchester,  N.  H., 
waylaid  the  road,  and,  as  six  of  the  white  people  were  passing, 
fired  upon  them,  killing  and  scalping  Joseph  Rawson,  and 
slightly  wounding  Amasa  Wright. 

This  depredation  is  thus  circumstantially  narrated  by  Deacon 
Wright:  **At  Winchester,  across  the  waj',  over  against  Be- 
nainon(  ?)  meeting-house,  lay  an  ambush,  as  is  supposed  of  about 
twenty  Indians;  and  several  of  our  men  had  business  to  pass 
by,  not  knowing  of  the  ambush,  while  the  Indians  fired  on 
them  and  shot  two  of  them.  One  of  them,  named  Roger 
[Rawson]  killed,  the  other,  named  Amasa  Wright,  being  on« 
leg  shot  through,  [and]  part  of  his  neck  \  recovered  himself, 
got  up  and  made  his  escape  with  the  rest  of  the  men.  The 
Indians  fired  thick  after  them,  but  they  all  got  off  alive  only 
said  Roger  [Rawson]. 

"  About  the  same  time  a  small  number  of  Indians  ambushed 
the  road  at  the  Lower  Ashuelot,  and  a  number  of  our  men 
were  passing  along  that  way.  Just  as  they  came  near  the 
Indians  they  turned  out  of  the  path,  and  the  Indians  seeing 
them,  supposed  they  were  discovered,  and  that  the  English 
were  surrounding  them,  rose  up  and  fled  through  thick  and 
thin ;  and  then  our  men  saw  them  flying,  gave  them  chase,  but 
the  Indians  outran  them  and  escaped  j  and  there  was  no  j^/7/ 
dunne  on  nary  side." 

Joseph  Rawson  was  son  of  John  Rawson,  of  Uxbridge, 
grandson  of  the  Rev.  Grindal  Rawson,  the  well  known 
preacher  to  the  Indians,  and  great-grandson  to  the  old  secretary, 


^^1 


H|i| 


I 


^^ 


m  ' 


ii6 


Massacre  near  Concord. 


[1746. 


Edward  Rawson,  Esq.*^  Joseph's  father  received  the  wages 
due  his  sun,  the  following  March,  from  the  treasurer  of  the 
colony. 

The  same  day  the  attack  was  made  upon  Winchester,  two 
men  were  made  prisoners  at  Contocook  and  carried  off*. 

August  9.  Philip  Grecly  is  killed  at  North  Yarmouth ; 
some  thirty  Indians  were  seen  secreted  in  a  gully  waiting  an 
opportunity  to  surprise  Wear's  garrison,  but  Ir  was  saved  by  the 
barking  of  the  dogs. 

August  II.  At  Northfield,  as  Benjamin  Wright,  a  young 
man,  was  riding  in  the  woods  to  bring  the  cows  home,  he  was 
shot  and  mortally  wounded.  He  kept  on  his  horse,  which 
brought  him  into  the  town,  but  he  died  the  following  night, 
about  one  o'clock.  The  ball  passed  through  him,  coming  out 
of  the  opposite  shoulder  from  the  side  where  it  entered. 

The  same  day  Hve  soldiers  fell  into  an  ambush  on  the  road 
between  Concord  and  Hopkinton,  and  are  all  killed.  There 
were  about  one  hundred  Indians  it  was  said.  The  killed  were 
Jonathan  Bradley  of  Exeter;  Samuel  Bradley  and  Obadiah 
Peters,  of  Concord ;  John  Bean,  of  Brentwood ;  John  Luf  kin, 
of  Kingston ;  Alexander  Roberts,!  of  Brentwood,  and  William 
Stickney,  of  Concord,  were  made  prisoners.  Four  Indians 
were  killed,  and  two  mortally  wounded. 

August  13.  Two  Frenchmen  and  an  Indian  fire  on  Mr. 
Allen  Dover,  as  he  is  passing  ^^  through  the  bog,  from  Black 
Point,  but  miss  him.  He  fired  twice  on  his  assailants,  and 
thought  he  killed  one  of  them." 

August  15.  A  number  of  Indians  approached  to  the  neigh- 
borhood of  Shattuck's  fort,^  and  fired   upon  four  men,  but 

•  See  CoUt.  N.  H.  Hist.  Soc.,  Ill,  74.         J  Miicalled,  on  »  map  of  the  time, 
f  N.  E.  Hitt.  tmd  Gen.  Rtg.,  Ill,  303.     Skannak't  (oft. 


1746]        Siege  of  Fort  Massachusetts. 


'17 


fortunately  missed  them.     A  few  days  before  they  hung  up  a 
wliite  flag  JM  sight  of  the  fort,  intending  it  probably  as  a  decoy. 

August  1 7.  At  Winchester,  John  Simmons,  bring  at  some 
distance  from  the  fort,  was  shot  at  by  several  Indians,  who 
missed  him.  He  turned  and  Bred  upon  them,  dropping  on*. 
On  visiting  the  spot  afterwards,  the  English  found  blood  upon 
the  ground,  and  one  blanket.  I'hey  therefore  concluded  the 
owner  of  the  blanket  was  killed.* 

August  17.  Mr.  Ezekiel  Wallingford  is  killed  near  his  gar- 
rison, at  a  place  called  Paquage,  Pequaig,  Pequioug,  etc.,  wh'ch 
is  in  the  present  town  of  Athol.  He  discovered  the  enemy 
and  ran  for  the  fort,  but  was  shot  down  before  reaching  it. 
His  scalp  was  t.'.ken  and  borne  off  in  triumph. 

About  the  same  time  a  messenger  was  dispatched  to  Boston 
from  Number  Four,  who  informed  the  governor  of  the  /V/  state 
of  that  place.  The  governor,  apprehending  it  of  great  im- 
portance, and  not  to  be  quitted  but  upon  absolute  necessity, 
thereupon  ordered  a  troop  of  horse  to  Number  Four,  "  to  carry 
as  great  a  quantity  of  provisions  as  they  conveniently  canj" 
that  no  part  of  the  forces  be  withdrawn,  except  the  former 
troops }  and  that  upon  their  return,  together  with  the  company 
of  fifty  men  with  dogs,  be  direded  to  guard  off  as  many  of  the 
women  and  children  as  may  conveniently  leave  the  place." 

August  20.  Fort  Massachusetts,  on  the  Hoosac  river,  near 
the  north-west  corner  of  the  province,  was  invested  yesterday 
by  a  body  of  French  and  Indians,  headed  by  Gen.  Rigaud  de 
Vaudreuil.  His  army  consisted  of  about  seven  or  eight  hundred 
men,  while  the  fort  contained  only  twenty-two  men,  three 
women,  and  five  children;. f     Of  the  men,  but  eight  were  in 

*  Dtacon  ff^rigbt's  Journal.  but   accaunti  dii&r  ai  to  the  nuinber,  a* 

\  Th'u  it  according  to  Dr.  Lnuglau,     will  be  teen. 


'^fiwmsiiimmm 


ii8 


Fort  Massachusetts  taken. 


[1746. 


1 
If- 

f 


health  and  able  to  do  full  duty.  And  then  they  were  nearly 
destitute  jf  ammunition,  having  but  some  three  or  four  pounds 
of  powder,  and  about  as  much  in  weight  of  lead.  The  garri- 
son was  in  command  of  Sergeant  John  Hawks.  When 
Vaudreuil  had  kept  up  the  siege  about  twenty-four  hours  he 
sent  in  a  flag  to  demand  the  surrender  of  the  fort.  Hawks 
consulted  with  his  men,  who,  in  view  of  their  desperate  situa- 
tion, thought  It  their  most  prudent  course  to  surrender  on  the 
best  terms  they  could  get.  In  these  Vaudreuil  was  very  liberal. 
Ail  in  the  fort  were  to  be  well  used,  and  exchanged  as  soon  as 
it  could  be  brought  about.  None  of  the  captives  were  to  be 
delivered  to  the  Indians;  and  that  the  sick,  and  such  as  were 
not  able  to  travel,  should  be  carried.  Yet  it  was  said  that  half 
of  the  captives  were  the  next  day  delivered  to  the  Indians,  who 
the  next  night  "killed  one  of  the  sick  men  rather  than  carry 

'  him,"  and  there  was  "one  man  kili-d  in  the  fight,"  which  was 
the  extent  of  their  loss  up  to  the  time  of  their  commencing 

their  march  for  Canada.  '    '     ..   .  .   • 

It  was  more  than  a  month  before  all  of  this  forlorn  company 

.  arrived  at  Quebec ;  then  twenty-three  at  one  time  entered  the 
prison  there.*  They  reported  to  their  fellow  prisoners  already 
there,  that  two  were  killed  when  the  fort  was  taken,  namely, 
Thomas  Knowlton  and  Josiah  Read.  The  names  of  the 
twenty-three,  as  recorded  on  their  arrival  at  Quebec,  are  these : 
The  Rev.  John   Norton,  the  chaplain;   John   Hawks,  John 


'*'  Thii  was  the  number  reported,  and  including  women  and  children,  probably. 


li^.,*  r»i.ii4niw»«»i'*».i 


»>.i<i»i'»|i>.wili  Okm 


1746.]      Captives  of  Fort  Massachusetts.  119 

Smead,*  wifef  and  six  children,  John  Perry  and  wife,|  Moses 
Scott,  wife§  and  two  children,  Samuel  Goodman,]]  Jonathan 
Bridgman,!  Nathan  Eames,**  Joseph  Scott,  Amos  Pratt,ft 
Benjamin  Sinconds  [Simonds],  Samuel  Lovet,||  David  Warren, 
and  Phineas  Furbush.§§  On  the  ist  Odtcber,  Jacob  Shepard,||]] 
of  Westborough,  taken  at  Hoosuck,  arrived,  and  on  the  5th 
of  October,  Nathaniel  Hitchcock,^]^  John  Aldrich,  and 
Stephen  Scott  were  brought  in. 

The  captives,  even  those  with  the  Indians,  acknowledged 
that  they  were  generally  kindly  treated,  "according  to  their 
manner,"  that  is,  according  to  the  manner  of  the  Indians. 

After  the  enemy  had  taken  and  plundered  the  fort,  they 
burnt  it,  thus  taking  revenge  for  their  severe  loss  of  men, 
instead  of  murdering  their  prisoners ;  for  it  appears  to  have 
been  currently  reported,  and  fully  credited,  that  Vaudreuil  and 
his  Indian  allies  lost  forty-five  of  their  numbers  during  the 
siege,  which,  considering  the  weakness  of  the  garrison,  is  rather 
incredible. 

The  chaplain  found  an  opportunity,  before  leaving  the  fort. 


•    1; 


I 


♦  According  to  How.  vt.  'i.  iie  died 
April  8th,  1747}  but  according  to  Nor- 
ton, p.  3,  John  Smead,  Jr.,  died  April 
8th,  1747.  Both  doubtless  refer  to  the 
tame  person.  As  it  will  be  seen,  John 
the  elder  was  redeemed,  but  killed  at 
home.     See  19th  Oftober,  1747. 

\  She  died  on  the  aSth  af  March  fol- 
lowing. Her  youngest  child  was  born  the 
second  night  after  she  was  taken.  Hoiv. 
Her  they  named  Capti-viiy.  She  died  at 
the  age  of  about  nine  months,  at  J^uebec. 

J  She  dhi  December  23d,  following, 
•nd  the  youngest  child  February  loth. 

g  She  died  December  nth,  following. 


II  He  died  on  the  13d  March,  follow- 
ing.      He  belonged  to  South  Hadley. 

^  Belonged  to  Sunderland,  died  in  cap- 
tivity, July  list,  1747. 

**  He  was  of  Marlborough.  Died 
No\'.  17th,  following. 

If  He  died  on  lath  of  April,  following. 

JJ  He  was  son  o*'  Major  Lovet,  of 
Mendon,  and  died  January  23,  following. 

§1  He  died  in  captivity,  July  i6th, 
1747;   belonged  to  Westborough. 

nil  He  died  May  30th,  1747.  ''A 
pious  young  man." 

TfT[  He  died  in  piiton,  at  Quebec,  May 
aad,  following  (1747^. 


^fsmmmmmmmmmmmgmm 


■ 


1 20  Captives  of  Fort  Massachusetts.      [  1 746. 

to  write  a  letter,  which  he  dated  August  20th,  1 746,  and  placed 
upon  the  well-crotch,  of  the  following  purport : 

'*  These  ai  e  to  inform  you  that  yesterday,  about  nine  of  the 
clock,  we  were  besieged  by,  as  they  say,  seven  hundred  French 
and  Indians,  They  have  wounded  two  men,  and  killed  one 
Knowlton.  The  General  De  Vaudreuil  desired  capitulations, 
and  we  were  so  distressed  that  we  complied  with  his  terms. 
We  are  the  French's  prisoners,  and  have  it  under  the  general's 
hand,  that  every  man,  woman  and  child  shall  be  exchanged  for 
French  prisoners."*  -,.-':: 

In  the  course  of  the  following  year  the  most  of  the  captives 
found  their  way  back  to  New  England.  Some  by  way  of 
France,  and  some  by  the  West  Indies,  and  some  through  the 
wilderness.  Imprisonment  was  so  irksome  to  many  of  them 
that  they  were  ready  to  accept  of  any  change.  A  number  of 
them  arrived  at  Newport,  in  Rhode  Island,  about  the  ist  of 
May,  1747,  from  the  West  Indies.  From  them  it  appears 
that  when  Fort  Massachusetts  was  invested  there  were  only 
twenty-two  men  in  it,  including  the  commander.  Sergeant 
Hawks,  and  the  chaplain  before  mentioned ;  that  of  these  one- 
half  was  sick  of  dysentery.  Consequently  they  were  dispirited, 
and  too  feeble  to  defend  themselves.  That  the  force  of 
Vaudreuil  consisted  of  five  hundred  French  and  three  hundred 
Indians;  yet  by  noon  of  the  second  day  the  English  had  lost 
but  one  man,t  and  two  wounded.  At  this  point  a  parley  was 
entered  into.  The  enemy  displayed  their  means  for  capturing 
the  fort,  as  axes,  hoes,  spades,  a  quantity  of  facines  ready  cut, 

*  Mr.  Norton  speaks  of  the  termi  of  \  Thomas  Knowlton,  shot  in  the  watch 

capitulation  in  hit  Redeemed  Captive,  and  tower   before   mentioned.       Hit   place   of 

of  this  letter,  but  he  does  not  give  the  let-  residence  is  not  mentioned,  but  he  was  son 

ter,  for  the  reason,  no  doubt,  that  he  kept  of  J^xieph  Knowlton,  who  some  time  after 

no  copy  of  it.     See  ArriNDix,  £.  received  the  wages  due  his  son  when  killed. 


>i 


'*;  ■'■^JP-VfT' "*!!* 


1746.] 


Fort  Massachusetts. 


121 


and  a  number  of  grenades ;  that  if  they  now  surrendered  they 
should  all  be  exchanged  the  first  opportunity ;  which,  as  they 
had  ammunition  to  last  them  "  but  a  few  minutes,"  if  the  attack 
was  contii#fed,  the  terms  were  accepted.  They  encamped  the 
following  night  near  the  ruins  of  the  fort. 

These  captives  give  a  more  favorable  account  of  their  treat- 
ment than  that  at  first  reported.  By  these  it  does  not  appear 
that  the  sick  man  who  died  the  first  night  after  the  surrender,  was 
killed,  but  died  of  his  malady.  All  th'  rest  arrived  in  seven 
days  at  Crown  Point,  and  in  better  he;i  i.han  when  they  sur- 
rendered. 

The  French  account  of  the  sacking  of  Fort  Massachusetts 
sheds  some  new  light  on  that  important  event,  big  with  so 
much  suffering  and  anguish,  not  only  to  the  immediate  victims, 
but  to  their  numerous  relations  and  friends,  who,  though  they 
escaped  the  horrors  of  Indian  captivity,  suffered  a  long  mental 
agony  from  the  harrowing  thoughts  of  what  was  daily  occur- 
ring to  those  friends  in  the  hands  of  barbarians.  .;>;< 

The  expedition  started  from  Montreal  on  the  3d  of  August, 
under  the  conduit  of  "  Monsieur  de  Rigaud  de  Vaudreuil,  town 
major  of  Three  Rivers."  Under  him  were  *'two  captains,* 
one  lieutenant,  three  ensigns,  two  chaplains,  one  surgeon,  ten 
cadets  of  the  regulars,  eighteen  militia  officers,  three  volunteers, 
and  about  four  hundred  colonists  and  three  hundred  Indians. 
They  attacked  a  fort  on  the  Kakekoutef  river,  near  Brockfil, 
containing  a  garrison  of  twenty-two  men,  with  three  women 
and  five  children.  After  a  fight  of  twenty-six  hours,  and  the 
loss  of  one  killed  and  several  wounded  in  the  fort,  the  garrison 
surrendered.     M.  de  Rigaud  was  wounded  by  a  shot  in  the 


•  The  name  of  one  of  them  was  De 
Sabrevois.  N.  T.  Col.  Docs.,  X.  65.  That 
of  the  other  does  not  appear. 


f  The  fart  was  on  a  branch  of  the 
Hoocuc  river,  which  is  doubtless  the  river 
meant. 


Q 


,.H!;f*'i»'g|<>i- 


i 


Ill: 


J.  J|.  J   ..  «L,U'S-».  L'-i 1. 1' IW.LH'    I  * t>.'  (M.i  '.  W. 


H^fiMi'imitm'Ji'n 


lilt 


I 


I 


122 


French  Report. 


[1746. 


right  arm,  and  three  of  his  Indians  killed ;  four  Frenchmen  and 
eleven  Indians  were  wounded.  The  party  set  fire  to  all  the 
houses  and  grain  within  a  space  of  fifteen  leagues,  with  barns, 
mills,  churches,  tanneries,  etc."  This  is  substantially  according 
to  the  English  account. 

From  an  improved  version  of  the  French  narrative,  compiled 
later,  it  is  said:  "The  fort  was  attacked  on  the  morning  of 
the  30th  of  August.  [Thus  agreeing  with  the  English  as  to 
time,  allowing  for  the  difference  of  the  manner  of  dating.] 
They  had  been  on  their  march  ten  days.  Three  women  and 
five  children  were  found  in  it.  The  loss  on  the  part  of  the 
English  was  not  ascertained,  as  they  had  buried  all  their  dead 
save  one.  The  French  loss  was  one  man  killed  and  twelve 
wounded.  Sieur  Rigaud  was  among  the  latter.  The  fort  was 
burnt  on  the  same  day,  and  the  prisoners  having  stated  that  a 
reinforcement  was  to  arrive  from  Dierfil,  Sieur  Rigaud  detached 
sixty  Iroquois  and  Abenakis  on  the  route  they  were  to  come. 
These  Indians  having  met  this  reinforcement,  which  consisted 
of  only  nineteen  men,  defeated  it,  and  brought  in  four  prisoners 
only,  all  the  remainder  having  been  killed. 

"  After  this  expedition  Sieur  de  Rigaud  ordered  the  pillage, 
and  all  the  settlements  were  burnt  and  sacked,  and  the  harvest 
laid  waste  within  a  circle  of  twelve  to  fifteen  leagues.  Only 
fifty-six  prisoners  were,  however,  made  in  this  foray,  almost  all 
the  settlers  having  had  time  to  take  refuge  in  Boston,  Deirfil, 
and  Orange."  [Albany.] 

Thus  was  the  French  government  treated  to  an  account  of 
the  Fort  Massachusetts  affair,  with  scarcely  any  likeness  to  the 
true  original.  It  was  made  intentionally  false,  and  displays  a 
wonderful  want  of  knowledge  in  everything  which  a<£tually  took 
place,  as  well  as  in  geography. 


^■^.i..?i'i-^u;»,..iui»»'ji-.':tiii.Aj;.'i'iJ=j»iJi«iM;;jt-.  j^.\^  


1746.]        Gov.  Shirley  on  the  Situation. 


123 


After  detailing  the  Sieur  Marin's  expedition  of  the  i6th  of 
November,  1 745  —  in  the  same  strain  of  exaggeration  — 
the  writer  remarks,  that  since  that  foray,  "twenty-seven 
detachments  of  Indians  had  been  formed,  with  a  certain 
number  of  Canadians  always  at  their  head,  to  make  incursions 
on  the  enemy's  flanks,  and  not  one  of  them  had  returned  with- 
out killing  or  capturing  some  persons.  The  number  of  prison- 
ers was,  at  the  date  of  the  departure  of  the  ships  from  Quebec, 
about  two  hundred  and  eighty."  But  the  most  important 
expedition  of  them  all  was  that  against  Fort  Massachusetts, 
just  detailed.* 

When  an  account  of  the  capture  of  Fort  Massachusetts 
reached  Boston,  the  General  Court  being  in  session.  Governor 
Shirley,  in  a  message  to  the  House  of  Representatives,  dated, 
Province  House,  September  3d,  1746,  communicates  the  fol- 
lowing remarks,  just  and  applicable  in  this  connection : 

"You  may  make  a  judgment  of  the  unspeakable  benefit  it 
would  be  to  this  province  to  have  the  French  dislodged  from 
Crown  Point,  by  the  calamitous  state  of  the  western  frontiers, 
and  especially  in  the  late  tragedy  at  Massachusetts  Fort,  now 
burnt  down  by  the  enemy,  and  all  the  garrison,  as  well  as  the 
women  and  children,  either  put  to  the  sword  or  carried  into 
captivity ;  the  terror  of  which  has  reached  so  far  as  Northamp- 
ton, where  the  enemy  have  plundered  divers  houses,  and 
destroyed  a  considerable  number  of  cattle,  all  of  which  you 
will  be  informed  of  by  a  letter  I  received  last  night  from  Major 
Williams,  which  will  likewise  be  laid  before  you. 

**It  may  be  remembered  by  some  of  you,  that  in  the  former 
wars,  when  the  Indians  were  more  numerous,  and  our  inhabit- 
ants in  those  parts  few  and  weak,  that  the  Indians  never  made 

*  See  N.  T.  Col.  Dttumtnts,  X,  76,  77.  ' ; 


rir     p 


--^ 


^^ 


il  i' 


m 


!        3 


m. 


i  ^il 


r 


124 


Afi?»  /^//W  ^Z  Colerain. 


[1746. 


such  frequent  incursions  upon  them,  and  very  rarely  in  such 
great  bodies  as  they  have  done  in  this  war,  which  must  be 
principally  attributed  to  the  advantage  they  have  of  issuing  out 
of  a  fort  so  near  our  borders,  where  they  are  furnished  with 
necessary  provisions  and  ammunition,  and  to  which  place  they 
retreat  with  their  prisoners  and  booty." 

Of  course,  wi.-n  the  governor's  message  was  delivered, 
nothing  was  known  respecting  the  fate  of  the  garrison,  only 
that  all  had  been  carried  away  captives,  and  the  fort  burnt. 
The  great  anxiety  that  prevailed  concerning  the  fate  of  those 
captives,  is  difficult  now  to  be  realized ;  scalping,  maiming, 
starvation,  and  horrid  deaths  by  torture,  harrowed  the  sleepless 
nights  of  numerous  friends  in  various  parts  of  the  province,  and 
increased  a  desire  to  be  rid  of  such  troublesome  neighbors; 
and  this  desire  soon  ripened  to  a  determination  of  an  intensity 
equal,  at  length,  to  the  sacrifice  required. 

Near  the  end  of  this  month  (August)  it  was  reported  that 
three  Mohawks  had  killed  the  officer  of  the  French  garrison  at 
Crown  Point,  and  another  person,  as  they  were  walking  in  the 
garden  attached  to  the  fort.  These  they  scalped  and  brought  their 
scalps  to  Schenegtade^  intending  to  present  them  to  the  governor.* 
Sixteen  other  Indians  of  the  same  tribe  went  towards  Montreal 
with  a  design  to  seize  some  of  the  French,  with  a  view  to  bring 
them  to  Albany,  but  what  success  they  met  with  is  not  reported. 

August  22.  As  about  ten  men  were  going  from  Deerfield 
to  Colerain,  two  or  three  Indians  having  secreted  themselves 
near  the  road,  fired  upon  and  shot  down  Constant  Bliss,  a 

*  It  ie  to  this  ai&ir  that  the  French  1746),    amounted    r.>    .ome    Mohegang 

officer  refers,  no  doubt,   in  his  record  at  {Loups)  scalping  a  soldier  belonging  to  the 

Montreal :      '•  All  the  expeditions  of  our  garrison  at  Fort  St.   Frederick,   who  had 

enemies  have,  up  to  this  time  (3  August,  gone  out  unarmed.  A^.  7'.  CoJ.Docs.,X,^^. 


Kntj'.iL:.iit.m*'-  ■^.'.>-'^'j4:..iii  .i.iy.i .  ■  .\  ■  i.  - ,  ,:    f.;.  ,  ,.j'  .  . 


.■■....>i  ■  .^:/.:.i,..  ■■  ..^,±A^<.A,....  1.  -If. 


f  Ml  III  f. 


^smmSSz' 


1746.] 


Surprise  at  Deerjield. 


125 


goldier  from  Colchester,  in  Connedticut,  his  companions  flying 
from  the  place  as  fast  as  they  were  able.  The  Indians  found 
a  quantity  ^f  rum  those  men  had  left,  and,  after  scalping  the 
dead  man,  got  drunk,  and  in  their  bewilderment  wandered  to 
the  vicinity  of  the  garrisons  at  Colerain,  and  there  slept  till  the 
next  morning  (as  they  confessed  afterwards),  where,  had  they 
been  discovered,  they  might  have  easily  been  dispatched. 

August  25.  About  forty*  of  the  army  which  had  reduced 
the  fort  at  Hoosuc,  stealthily  approached  Deerfield,  about  thirty 
miles  easterly  of  the  former,  *'not  being  satisfied  with  the 
spoil,"  made  at  that  place.  They  came  first  upon  a  hill  at  the 
south-west  corner  of  the  South  Meadow,  where  v/ere  ten  or 
twelve  men  .^nd  children  at  work,  in  a  situation  in  which  they 
might  all  with  ease  have  been  made  prisoners — their  design 
being  to  take  prisoners.  But  this  objeft  was  frustrated,  and  the 
affair  ended  much  more  tragically  than  perhaps  it  otherwise 
would.  It  eventuated  thus :  Mr,  Eleazar  Hawks  was  out 
that  morning  fowling,  and  was  at  the  foot  of  the  hill  when  the 
Indians  were  coming  down  into  the  meadow.  Seeing  him  they 
supposed  they  were  discovered,  and  thereupon  shot  and  scalped 
him.  This  alarmed  the  people  in  the  meadow,  being  distant 
but  a  few  rods  from  Mr.  Hawks  when  he  fell ;  it  also  prompted 
the  Indians  to  aft  quickly,  which  they  did,  killing  Simeon 
Amsden,  a  lad,  whom  they  scalped  and  beheaded.     Mr.  Samuel 


*  Taylrr  says  there  were  fifty,  and 
Doolittle  sets  them  r.i  thirty.  But  the 
French  account  is  as  follows :  "  Sixty 
Abenakis  belonging  to  this  force,  went, 
afler  the  fight  [at  Hoosuc]  to  lie  in  wait 
for  twenty  Englishmen  who  were  to  come 
to  the  said  fort,  according  to  the  report  of 
the  prisoners }  but,  not  meeting  with  <hem, 


went  further,  and  some  returned  with 
seven  tcalpa,  one  Englishman,  and  on« 
negro." 

"  Seventeen  Mississaf^ues  left  De  Vau- 
dreuil's  party  during  the  siege,  went  six 
leagues  below  Orange,  struck  a  blow  and 
brought  back  four  scalps."  lb.  See  abeut 
the  middlt  of  August,  page  1 27,  post. 


*    *  "^  '«-3Bi 


::iaaH—iMiiii  i>ii  m\\vi 


iMNM 


126 


People  killed  at  Deerfield.  [  1 746. 


Allen,  John  Sadler,  and  Adonijah  Gillet,  of  Colchester,  ran 
a  few  rods,  and  then  made  a  stand  under  the  bank  of  the  river, 
meeting  their  savage  pursuers  with  bravery,  but  were  soon 
overpowered  by  numbers.  Allen  and  Gillet  were  soon  dis- 
patched, but  Sadler  succeeded  in  running  across  the  river,  and 
thus  made  his  escape  "amidst  a  shower  of  bullets."  Mean- 
time some  pursued  Oliver  Amsden,  stabbed  and  killed  him, 
after  having  his  hands  cut  to  pieces  in  trying  to  defend  himself 
against  the  enemies'  knives.  At  the  same  time,  three  children 
of  the  name  of  Allen  (all  living  in  1793)  l>ci"g  pursued,  one  of 
them,  named  Eunice,  was  struck  down  by  a  blow  of  a  toma- 
hawk, "which  was  sunk  into  her  head,"  but  wlio'ii  the  enemy 
in  their  haste  omitted  to  scalp.  She  afterwards  recovered. 
Caleb  Allen,  another  of  the  children,  made  his  escape,  and  the 
third,  Samuel,  was  taken  prisoner,  the  only  captive  obtained  on 
this  memorable  and  sad  day  to  Deerfield. 

The  guns  and  commotion  in  the  meadow  at  once  raised  the 
town.  "Capt.  Hopkins,  commander  of  the  standing  guard," 
and  Capt.  Clesson,  with  a  body  of  the  inhabitants,  with  as 
much  speed  as  possible,  pursued  on  after  the  murdering  party, 
but  could  not  overtake  them.  Two  dead  Indians  were  after- 
wards found  near  where  Allen  and  Gillet  were  killed,  supposed 
to  have  been  killed  by  them  before  they  fell. 

It  was  said,  at  the  time,  that  but  for  the  delay  of  the  guard 
in  the  town,  the  enemy  might  have  been  cut  off"  before  they 
could  have  gotten  out  of  the  meadow.  The  men  had  been  so 
heedless  in  firing  guns  at  all  times,  that  when  guns  of  alarm 
were  fired,  they  were  not  heeded.  4 

The  enemy  reached  Crown  Point  August  31st,  about  noon, 
with  their  six  scalps  displayed  in  a  triumphant  manner,  including 
that  of  Constant  Bliss,  killed  August  22d.  .,_,      ,    ,  ,  . 


mm 


1746-]  Depredations  at  Schodac. 


127 


August  26.  At  New  Casco,  Mr.  Richard  Stubs  is  taken 
and  carried  to  Canada,  where  he  arrived  in  October  following. 
A  soldier  was  killed  when  he  was  taken. 

The  same  day  John  McFarland  and  his  son  are  severely 
wounded  near  Pemaquid  fort,  and  his  fine  plantation  which  he 
had  there,  entirely  laid  waste,  his  cattle  all  killed,  and  his  build- 
ings burnt. 

About  the  middle  of  August  six  men  are  killed  at  Scooduck, 
or  Schodac,  eight  miles  below  Albany.  Another  is  missing, 
supposed  to  be  taken  captive.  Perhaps  at  the  same  time,  or, 
it  may  be,  some  days  earlier,  two  men  are  wounded  at  the  same 
place,  "one  in  the  arm,  who  is  like  to  do  well,  the  other  in  the 
neck,  which     is  tho't  will  prove  mortal." 

The  Indians  lately*  killed  four  men  and  took  four  others 
prisoners,  at  Saratoga.  Capt.  Schuyler,  in  command  of  the 
militia  posted  there,  went  out  to  their  assistance,  but  came  near 
being  cut  off,  and  with  difficulty  retreated  to  the  fort.  Had 
the  enemy  effected  this,  it  was  thought  they  would  have  taken 
the  tort.  " 

To  which  affair  in  our  narrative  the  following  refers,  is  not 
very  clear:  "A  party  of  Abenaquis,  headed  by  Ensign  Mon- 
sigin,  who  had  been  detached  from  Sieur  Rigaud's  (De  Vau- 
dreuil)  party  after  his  attack  on  Fort  Massachusetts,  proceeded 
towards  Fort  Sarasteau  [Saratoga].  They  met  seventeen 
soldiers  belonging  to  the  garrison,  took  four  of  them  and 
scalped  four  others.  The  remainder  threw  themselves  precipi- 
tately into  the  fort,  pursued  by  our  people,  who  killed  some  of 

them."t 

The  following  cannot  well  be  reconciled  with  any  known 

*  This  account  wao  published  in  New     date  is  uncertain. 
York,   September    15,   hence    the   adlual         f  N.  T.  Col.  Docs.,  X,  68. 


m 


.  1 

41 

1 

H 

. 

11 

' 

' 

I 


128 


People  taken  at  Saco. 


[1746. 


events:  "M.  de  Rigaud  has  also  informed  us  that  several 
Abenalcies,  belonging  to  his  detachment,  had  set  out  after  his 
expedition,  to  make  an  attack  towards  Dearfille  [Deerfield]  and 
Corsac  [Hoosuc?]  and  have  taken  fifty-six  scalps.* 

Sept.  6.  At  Saco  one  man,  Joseph  Gordon,  is  killed,  and 
hi  brother,  Pike  (jordon,  is  taken  captive  and  carried  through 
the  wilderness  to  Canada,  after  a  month's  travel.  He  reported, 
on  his  arriving  there,  that  his  brother  was  killed  when  he  was 
taken.  Just  two  months  after  his  arrival,  namely,  on  December 
6th,  he  died  in  prison,  of  a  prevailing  sick'^ess  which  carried 
oft'  a  great  j.u.iiber  of  the  poor,  unfortunate  captives.  He  was 
sick  but  eleven  days,  and  all  the  time  delirious. f 

The  accounts  from  the  western  frontiers  were  still  full  of 
terror  and  alarm,  insomuch  that  Governor  Shirley  recom- 
mended the  sending  of  a  number  of  swivel  guns  to  be  used 
in  all  the  public  forts,  and  some  to  be  loaned  to  other  exposed 
garrisons. 

About  the  same  time  an  Indian,  in  the  English  interest, 
brought  to  Boston  the  scalp  of  another  Indian,  probably  taken 
from  one  killed  at  Deerfield  on  the  25th  of  August.  The 
governor  recommended  that  it  might  be  advisable  to  grant 
him  some  gratuity,  but  whether  any  action  followed  is  not 
known. 

Strong  appeals  from  captives  in  Canada  frequently  found 
their  way  to  their  friends,  and  through  them  to  the  governor, 
who  would  gladly  have  sent  flags  of  truce  for  their  exchange, 
if  he  could  have  done  so  without  putting  at  hazard  the  general 
welfare  of  far  greater  numbers.  It  was  of  vast  importance  to 
follow  up  the  blow  which  he  had  dealt  the  French  at  Louis- 

♦  V.  Y.  Col  Doct.,  X,  68.  Probably  f  There  is  a  fully  detailed  account  in 
a  great  exaggeration.  Foltom'i  Sac9  and  BidtUford,  243-6. 


1746.] 


The  French  Armada. 


129 


bourg  last  year,  by  a  formidable  attack  upon  Canada,  already 
in  preparation ;  therefore  he  could  not  send  a  flag  to  the  enemy 
without  at  the  same  time  conveying  intelligence  of  his  prepara- 
tions. In  this  judgment  all  concurred,  and  the  matter  was  laid 
aside  for  the  present. 

■  About  the  end  of  September,  Captain  Gorham,  who  com- 
manded the  rangers  at  Nova  Scotia,  which  consisted  of  Cape 
Cod  Indians  chiefly,  with  a  party  of  his  men  went  down 
Annapolis  river,  and,  discovering  a  number  of  inhabitants  at 
work  in  their  fields,  landed  \  secreting  his  Indians,  he  went  alone 
among  the  enemy,  feigning  to  be  a  Canadian  oflicer,  and,  upon 
a  signal,  his  Indians  sprang  from  their  hiding  places  and  sur- 
rounded the  whole  party.  The  captain's  objedl  being  to  gain 
intelligence,  he  carried  off  only  a  few  of  the  most  intelligent. 
The  greatest  alarm  had  prevailed  all  along  the  coast  of  New 
England,  as  news  was  daily  brought  to  Boston  that  a  numerous 
fleet  of  fVench  ships  of  war  were  seen  in  the  neighboring  seas. 
It  proved  to  be  a  powerful  armada  under  the  Duke  d'Anville, 
quite  numerous  enough  to  take  possession  of  New  England, 
and  to  bring  all  North  America  under  the  yoke  of  France. 
That  such  would  have  been  the  fate  of  the  country,  had  it  not 
been  for  the  opposition  of  the  elements,  seemed  quite  probable. 
But,  like  the  great  Spanish  armada  of  1588,  it  could  not  fight 
against  tempests  and  pestilence,  which  came  to  the  aid  of  New 
England  In  1746,  as  they  did  to  Old  England  above  one 
hundred  and  fifty  years  before.  The  cases  are  quite  parallel, 
though  New  England  had  no  fleet  of  a  hundred  ships,  with 
Drakes,  Howards,  Hawkins,  and  Frobishers  to  resist  the  French 
in  their  approach.  Yet  a  vigorous  defense  was  determined 
upon,  and  Governor  Shirley  had  called  on  the  inhabitants  of 


■'  ni 


m 


ilp 


■••w>Ma>iM««WMiMMIMMM 


■  <<HlllW  mWiMilfcit 


130 


The  French  Armada, 


[1746. 


the  country  to  come  to  the  defense  of  Boston,  and  in  a  few 
days  above  six  thousand  men  were  paraded  on  Boston  Com- 
mon. But  thu  enemy  did  not  appeal,  and  news  soon  came  that 
by  tempests  and  sickness  the  fleet  was  rendered  harmless; 
whereupon,  on  the  7th  of  November,  the  governor  was  re- 
quested to  appoint  a  day  of  thanksgiving. 


CHAPTER    VIII. 


DIARY    OF    DEPREDATIONS    (coating«4). 


tartloi*  — Shcepwoll  — GrMt  SIckntu  among  Ihc  Indiani  —  Dcpredttien  «t  Concord  —  Dogt  In 

th«  Jervic*  —  Ordered  to  be  ditpoied  of-  DUcuiiion  reipeOIng  RelalUtion  — Reward  for 
Priionert  and  Scalps  —  Succcm  of  (omc  Mohawki  —  Uorernor  Shirley °i  Notice  of  It  —  Ocnrral 
Noble')  Dliatler  and  Death—  Indian  Stratagrm  to  burn  Shatluck'i  Fort  —Captain  Mrlvln'i 
March  up  the  ConneAicut  —  Number  Pour  attacked  and  bravely  defended — Commodore 
Knowlet  notlret  Captain  Slevent,  thedcrenJer  —  The  Place  namrd  for  him  —  Another  iixpe- 
ditlon  by  Mohawki  —  Narrative  of  it  —  French  Account  —  Saratoga  attacked  again  —  Depre- 
dation at  Kinderhook  —  At  Scarborough  —  At  Saccarap  —  Northfield — Wincheeter  —  Avliue- 
ioti  —  Saco  —  Falmouth  —  DamariKolta  —  Canajcharie  —  Well*  —  Toptham  —  Suncook  — 
Pemaquid  —  Rocheiter  — Some  Mohawki  bring  in  Scalps  —  Attack  on  Rocbeiter  —  Saratoga  — 
Lieutenant  Chcw't  Diaatter — Hcndrik'i  Expedition  —  Dtpredalion  at  Fall  Town  — Cole- 
rtin  —  Burnet's  Field  —  Witcasset  —  Bpeom  —  Nottingham  —  Aihaclot  —  Northampton  — 
Pemaquid  —  Fight  at  George's  Fort  —  David  Brainard  —  Capture  of  Rainbow  — Sergeant 
Mawki'i  Mission  —  John  Smead  —  Depredation  at  Bridgman's  Port  —  At  Number  Four. 

fOW  the  frontier  of  New  York  was 
left  so  much  exposed,  has  already 
been  explained.  On  October  12, 
at  Saratoga,  sixteen  men  are  killed 
and  taken,  about  a  mile  from  the 
fort.  They  belonged  to  Langdon 
and  Hart's  companies.  The  men 
attacked  behaved  with  great  cow- 
ardice, except  one  Lieut.  Johnston 
and  the  ensign  of  Hart's  company.  The  latter,  having  killed 
two  Indians,  returned  to  Albany  with  the  gun  of  one  of  them."' 

*  The  date  of  this  item  is  /rom  another  seven  men  were  killed,  six  of  whom  were 

source,  from  which  it  is  learned  that  the  scalped,  and  seven  were  msasing.     Among 

party  attacked  was  guarding  some  wagons  j  the  prisoners  was  Philip  Scofield,  a  soldier 

that   the    number    of    the    Indians    was  from    Pennsylvania;  he    died   at   Quebec 

thought  to  be  one  hundred  and  fifty;  that  the  8th  of  Apiil,  1747. 


132 


Employment  of  Dogs. 


[1746. 


\\ 


About  the  same  time  Governor  Shirley  ordered  Brig. -Gen. 
Dwight  to  march  to  the  western  frontiers  with  five  hundred 
men,  and  there  to  employ  them  to  the  best  advantage  for  the 
defense  of  the  inhabitants.  *v 

06tober  20.  At  Sheepscott,  Robert  Adams  and  John  McNeer 
are  taken  and  carried  to  Canada.  At  the  same  time  and  place 
James  Anderson  is  killed.  Mr.  Adams  arrived  at  the  prison 
in  Quebec  on  the  19th  of  November  following. 

November.  A  great  sickness  prevailed  among  the  St.  John's 
Indians,  carrying  off  great  numbers  of  them.  Thus  it  was 
also  among  those  of  Cape  Sable. 

The  yellow  fever  carried  off  near  an  hundred  of  the  Mohe- 
gan  Indians  this  year  also. 

The  Cape  Sable  Indians  were  terribly  reduced  by  a  contagion 
communicated  from  the  French  fleet.  Admiral  La  Jonquire's 
men  were  carried  ofF  by  ship  fever.  The  clothing  of  his  men 
who  had  thus  died  was  given  to  those  Indians,  from  which  the 
disease  was  communicated  to  them. 

November  10.  At  Concord,  N.  H.,  a  Mr.  Estabrook  is 
shot  and  killed  by  some  lurking  Indians  who  had  waylaid  the 
road  near  where  the  men  were  killed  on  the  nth  of  August 
last. 

November  12.  The  fifty  men  formerly  ordered  to  range 
the  western  frontiers  with  dogs,  not  having  been  provided  with 
subsistence  for  a  continuance  of  the  dogs  in  the  service  beyond 
the  present  time,  John  Stoddard,  Esq.,  is  directed  to  order  the 
dogs  to  be  disposed  of,  and  there  is  no  mention  that  they  had 
been  of  any  service  whatever. 

Dogs  seem  to  have  always  been  used  in  the  wars  with  the 
Indii^ns.  The  Spaniards  employed  them  in  South  America,, 
and  in  King  Philip's  war  they  aded  their  part  in  that  desperate 


F 

'"A 

M. 

T 


m 


^mfmrni'm 


tmmmmmmimim 


mmmgfim: 


1746.] 


Ref^    ation  Discussed. 


133 


struggle.  In  the  war  with  the  Western  Indians,  in  1764, 
among  the  precautions  to  be  observed  by  the  troops  in  going 
against  them,  was  the  following:  "Every  light-horse  man 
ought  to  be  provided  with  a  blood-hound,  which  would  be 
useful  to  find  out  the  enemy's  ambushes,  and  to  follow  their 
tracks  f  they  would  seize  the  naked  savages,  or  at  least  give 
time  to  the  horsemen  to  come  up  with  them,  and  they  would 
add  to  the  safety  of  the  camps  at  night.* 

In  that  cruel  and  unjustifiable  Florida  war  of  near  seven 
years'  duration.  General  Z.  Taylor  was  authorized  to  import 
blood-hounds  from  Cuba,  with  Spaniards  to  diredt  them. 
Many  were  thus  obtained,  and  a£lually  employed  in  the  service. f 

Early  in  the  winter  of  1746-7,  an  earnest  discussion  came 
up  in  the  General  Court  of  Massachusetts  respecting  a  course 
of  retaliation  which  many  had  urged  should  at  once  be  pursued 
against  the  enemy,  and  at  his  own  doors.  Precipitate  action 
on  the  part  of  the  lower  house  immediately  followed,  and 
bounties  for  prisoners  and  scalps  were  authorized;  but  when 
this  vote  was  sent  to  the  Council  that  body  nonconcurred,  and 
appointed  a  conference  upon  the  subject,  at  which  some  modi- 
fication of  the  vote  in  the  house  took  place,  and  the  following 
preamble  or  explanatory  declaration  preceded  the  retaliatory 
action  of  the  house  in  these  words : 

"  His  Majesty's  subjects  the  inhabitants  of  the  inland  frontiers 
of  this  province,  having  both  in  former  and  later  wars  been 
grievously  distressed  by  parties  of  French  and  Indians  fr»m 
Canada,  surprising  and  murdering  men,  women  and  children, 
and  takl'ig  of  their  scalps,  as  a  trophy  and  evidence  of  barbarity ; 
and  it  having  repeatedly  been  represented  to  the  governor  of 

•  See  Bouquet')  Exptditian,  p.  50,  edi-         f  See  Book  of  tk§  InJi^HS,  TV,  149, 
tion,  London,  1766,  4to.  etc.,  7th  edition,  1841. 


-♦^-  ■!**»., 


>»,i(i>i,4iiiii.  |ii<iii;iii)il^'1i;P<l|j>i^ ; 


'I 


134        Bounties  for  Indians  and  Scalps.       [1746. 

Canada,  that  if  this  unchristain  and  unmanly  way  of  making 
war  was  encouraged  or  suffered  to  be  continued,  it  should  be 
avenged  and  retaliated  on  the  inhabitants  of  the  French  govern- 
ments ;  and  he  the  said  governor,  notwithstanding  said  repre- 
sentations and  warnings,  persisting  to  employ  and  send  out  the 
vassals  and  dependants  of  the  King  his  master,  French  and 
Indians,  who  since  the  commencement  of  the  present  war  have 
captivated,  destroyed,  scalped,  mangled  and  barbarously  used 
great  numbers  of  the  good  people  of  this  and  his  Majesty's 
other  governments. 

"Therefore,  for  the  future  safety  and  protection  of  the 
frontiers  of  this  Province,  and  more  efFe£kually  to  deter  the 
French,  and  Indians  under  their  direction  and  influence,  from 
carrying  on  the  war  in  a  way  jlv*  manner  abhorred  by  christian 
and  civilized  nations,  and  justifiable  from  the  principles  of  self 
preservation  only;  Resolved,  that  the  following  bounty  be 
granted  and  allowed  to  be  paid  to  such  Indians  as  shall  go  out 
by  order  or  direction  of  this  government,  to  Canada  or  the 
borders  of  Canada,  in  quest  of  the  enemy,  viz,  for  every  male 
prisoner  above  twelve  years  of  age,  ^640.  For  every  scalp  of 
any  male  above  twelve  years  of  age,  that  shall  be  brought  as 
evidence  of  his  death,  X38.  For  every  female  prisoner,  and 
each  male  prisoner,  under  twelve  years  of  age,  ,£20.  For 
every  scalp  of  such  female  or  male,  under  twelve  years  of 
age,  X19." 

It  was  also  voted  that  any  Indian  setting  out  on  an  expedi- 
tion for  prisoners  and  scalps,  be  allowed  five  pounds ;  that  it 
was  advised  some  Englishmen  should  go  with  the  Indians ;  such 
were  to  receive  the  same  bounty.  John  Stoddard,  Esq.,  was 
to  have  the  directing  of  all  such  parties,  and  pay  their  bounties. 

In  the  mean  time  news  was  received  from  the  westward  by 


•t'    1 


mm^m^^ 


..  I  i*<iiirii*A<i 


Mi^mii  I  ,1*11  ■  ■■ 


mm^itmimmmm 


1746.]        Mohawks  attack  the  French. 


135 


express,  which  arrived  in  Boston  on  the  3d  of  December,  to 
the  efFed^  that  the  Mohawk  Indians  had  made  a  successful 
incursion  into  Canada.  One  party  struck  a  blow  at  Cader- 
ougui-Lake,  killed  eight  persons  and  brought  away  six  scalps, 
and  took  seven  or  eight  Frenchmen  prisoners,  all  of  which 
prisoners  and  scalps  they  brought  to  Albany.  Another  party, 
under  the  chief  Hendrik,  went  to  Montreal,  and  after  a  con- 
ference with  the  governor  of  Canada,  went  to  Isle  La  Mott, 
in  Lake  Champlain,  where  they  fell  upon  some  Frenchmen 
getting  out  ship  timber,  killed  and  scalped  one,  and  took  another 
prisoner.  The  report  of  the  guns  alarmed  some  men  in  a 
house  not  far  off,  who,  on  coming  out  to  discover  the  cause, 
were  also  fired  upon  with  buck-shot.  The  Mohawks  then 
immediately  took  to  their  canoes,  and  with  their  prisoners  and 
scalps  proceeded  to  Albany. 

In  his  message  to  the  General  Court  on  the  30th  of  this 
month.  Governor  Shirley  alludes  to  such  retaliations  in  these 
words :  "  Since  the  last  sitting  of  the  Court  I  have  received 
advice  that  two  parties  of  Indians  of  the  Six  Nations  have  been 
engaged  in  a£ts  of  hostilities  against  the  French  of  Canada, 
within  their  own  settlements,  in  which  they  have  killed  five 
persons  and  taken  nine  prisoiiers :  the  first  open  breach  of  those 
nations  with  the  French  in  this  war  will,  I  doubt  not,  be 
attended  with  considerable  advantage  to  us  if  we  rightly  im- 
prove them  by  encouraging  the  Indians." 

January  31.  From  untoward  circumstances,  the  expedition 
against  Canada  the  last  year  could  not  be  prosecuted.  In  order 
to  improve  some  of  the  men  raised  for  that  service.  Governor 
Shirley  set  on  foot  a  winter  campaign  to  drive  the  French  and 
Indians  out  of  Nova  Scotia.  About  seven  hundred  men  were 
employed  in  this  service,  under  Col.  Arthur  Noble.     But  the 


wi.V'i    *  r.'vH 


.-  Iii  .1    I  i  ~.jT    Hi  '1  1-ir'  I  •,ir.Mlrnii;«a-.i.  ■,i^faru'j^,'..,iu'Wr   ,.f,j|(-.  ;^,'»_;)...^,,,  ..i„.  ., 


Il«'(<>wijl(j»t|>>|i'tlii^i( 


, II 


136 


CoL  Noble's  Disaster. 


[1747- 


French  were  beforehand  of  them;  for  M.  De  Ramesay  had 
already  garrisoned  Minas,  the  objeftive  point,  with  a  superior 
force.  In  his  march  to  that  place  Noble  was  surprised  in  his 
camp  by  a  superior  body  of  French  and  Indians,  himself  and 
four  of  his  principal  officers,  and  seventy  men,  are  killed,  and 
the  rest  made  prisoners.*  But  few  of  the  names  of  those 
engaged  in  this  disastrous  expedition  have  been  met  with. 
Among  them  is  that  of  William  Nason,  of  Casco  Bay.  He 
was  taken,  carried  to  Quebec,  and  died  in  prison  there,  June 
20th,  1747. 

March  30.  About  forty  Indians  came  to  Shattuck's  fort, 
between  Northfield  and  Col,  Hinsdale's,  with  a  design  to  burn 
it.  Having  prepared  faggots  of  spruce  and  pitch  pine  wood 
with  the  ends  dipped  in  brimstone,  with  fire  in  a  kettle  covered 
with  a  blanket,  they  crept  silently  up  to  the  fort  in  the  night, 
and  succeeded  in  setting  it  on  fire,  which  burnt  down  that 
part  of  it  which  stood  on  the  south  side  of  the  brook.  Im- 
mediately after  the  wind  changed  and  blew  from  the  opposite 
point  of  the  compass,  and  the  soldiers  and  people  within,  get- 
ting into  the  other  part,  by  the  help  of  the  brook  and  wind, 
stayed  the  progress  of  the  flames.  The  Indians  were  amazed 
to  see  their  prospers  thus  blasted,  and  soon  after  retreated. 
The  soldiers  fired  upon  them,  breaking  the  leg  of  one  of  the 
assailants.  Captain  Daniel  Shattuck  was  the  owner  of  the 
fort.  He  removed  to  Northfield,  from  Worcester,  about  1723, 
and  to  Hinsdale  about  1736,  where  he  died  in  1760,  aged  sixty- 
seven.     His  fort  was  about  one  hundred  rods  east  of  Connefti- 


*  A  minute  detail  of  this  affair  by  the  found  very  clearly  detailed  in  a  very  able 

French  officers  engaged   in  it  ii  given  in  work  entitled  Memoirs  of  the  Last  War 

N    T.    Col    Docs  f  X,  91,  9a.     A  more  (London,  1757),  pp.  85-89.     The  Eng- 

Avorablc  account  to  the  English  will  be  lith  called  the  French  commander  Ramtay. 


■.■^i-<i):(in+,n«tt^i|«S«t'Jl(H>Ai 


■fpp^^pp 


1 747-] 


Block- Houses  manned. 


137 


cut  river,  one  mile  south  of  Fort  Hinsdale,  and  one  mile  south- 
east of  Fort  How,  on  the  west  side  of  the  river,  and  three 
miles  south  of  Fort  Dunner. 

March  31.  Capt.  Eleazer  Melvin  being  at  Northfield  with 
some  of  his  company,  on  hearing  of  the  attack  on  Shattuck's 
fort,  marched  at  once  in  pursuit  of  the  enemy.  But  they  had 
crossed  the  river,  and  at  Great  Meadow  were  discovered  on  the 
opposite  side  and  fired  upon,  by  which  one  was  killed.  Melvin 
then  went  to  Shattuck's  ^ort,  which  was  deserted,  and  burnt  the 
rest  of  it,  to  prevent  the  enemy  from  having  the  gratification 
of  doing  it,  if  they  should  return. 

At  the  urgent  and  frequent  solicitations  of  Gov.  Shirley,  the 
General  Court  passed  the  following  order  for  the  better  security 
and  defense  of  the  frontiers- 
April  I,  1747.  "Ordered  that  there  be  pay  and  subsistence 
allowed  for  a  garrison  of  twenty  men  to  be  posted  at  North- 
field,  and  twenty  at  each  of  several  block-houses  to  be  built 
four  miles  distant  one  from  the  other,  and  to  extend  on  a  line 
from  Northfield  to  Townshend;  said  men  to  be  constantly 
employed  in  scouting  from  one  block-house  to  another;  and 
that  there  be  allowed  two  swivel  guns  to  each  block-house;  and 
that  there  be  pay  and  subsistence  allowed  for  a  garrison  of  twenty 
men  in  the  block-house  at  Fall  Town ;  *  twenty  at  a  new  block- 
house to  be  built  between  Fall  Town  and  Colerain ;  twenty  at 
Colerain;  twenty  at  the  block-house  commonly  called  Fort 
Shirley  ,t  twenty  at  Fort  Pelham;J  twenty  at  a  new  block- 
house to  be  built  west  of  said  Fort  Pelham ;  and  thirty  at  a 
block-house  to  be  built  near  where  Fort  Massachusetts  stood ; 
and  that  two  swivel  guns  be  allowed  to  each  block-house,  except 
the  two  block-houses  west  of  Fort   Pelham,  which  are  to  be 

*  Since  Bernardtton.  f  Heath,  %  Rowe. 


■  .  ■li' 


138  Mohawks  surprise  the  French.       [i747- 

allowed  one  swivel  and  one  four-pounder  each  ;  and  scouts  con- 
stantly maintained  from  one  block-house  to  another,  and  also 
west  from  Fort  Massachusetts ;  and  that  a  number  not  exceed- 
ing ten  of  the  inhabitants  of  Colerain,  and  ten  of  those  at 
Green  River,  above  Deerfield,  be  kept  in  pa)  of  the  Province. 

"And  it  is  further  ordered,  that  pay  and  subsistence  be 
allowed  to  thirty  men  at  the  block-house  on  George's  river, 
near  the  fort  there ;  and  also  pay  and  subsistence  to  three 
hundred  and  seventy  men  for  the  defense  of  the  eastern  frontier 
from  Berwick  to  Damarascotty ;  and  that  His  Excellency  be 
desired  to  cause  one  hundred  and  fifty  of  said  three  hundred 
and  seventy  to  be  employed  for  the  defense  of  the  frontier  from 
Berwick  to  Pesumpscot  river,  and  two  hundred  and  twenty 
from  said  Pesumpscot  river  to  Damarascotty ;  and  that  of  said 
three  hundred  and  seventy  there  be  one  hundred  and  fifty  of 
such  of  the  inhabitants  as  are  so  exposed  to  the  enemy  as  to  be 
unable  to  support  themselves  by  their  labor,  the  pay  and  sub- 
sistence of  the  aforesaid  forces,  both  for  the  eastern  and  west- 
ern frontiers,  to  continue  till  the  first  of  July.  Said  forces  to 
be  inclusive  of  those  already  on  the  frontiers." 

April  3.  A  company  of  Mohawks  were  sent  out  from  the 
Mohawk  Castle  towards  Crown  Point  by  Col.  Johnson,  in 
pursuance  of  orders  from  Gov.  Clinton.  The  following  is 
Johnson's  report  of  the  doings  of  the  party  which  was  led  by 
Lieut.  Walter  Butler,  Junior.*  "They  went  to  Crown  Point, 
where  they  lay  two  days  upon  a  hill,  from  whence  they  had  a 
good  view  of  the  fort.  They  discovered  nothing  except  two 
large  canoes  full  of  men,  that  they  saw  go  from  the  fort  towards 
Albany ;  and,  by  the  shouting  the  men  made  as  they  left  the  fort, 
it  was  concluded  they  were  going  to  scalp.     The  third  day  the 

*  Documents,  Colonial  History  of  New  York,  VI,  343,  344. 


1747.]       Mohawks  surprise  the  French,  139 

party  came  down  from  the  hill  and  divided  into  two  parties,  one 
of  which  consisted  of  thirteen  men  came  upon  the  track  of 
several  persons  going  towards  the  garrison ;  they  pursued  them 
till  they  got  within  half  a  mile  of  the  fort,  when  they  dis- 
covered a  party  of  the  garrison  resting  on  a  fallen  tree,  and 
were  employed  in  beating  and  dressing  touchwood,  which  they 
had  found  in  the  woods  where  they  had  been  upon  the  patrol. 
Our  thirteen  Indians  took  the  opportunity  of  approaching  under 
a  bank.  By  the  advantage  of  the  bank  they  got  very  near  the 
French  without  being  discovered,  and  found  that  the  enemy 
consisted  of  twenty-seven  soldiers  and  three  Indians.  Our 
Indians  fired  upon  them  and  killed  three ;  whereupon  the  enemy 
flew  to  their  arms  and  returned  the  fire  briskly,  but  without  any 
execution.  Our  Indians  having  loaded  again,  gave  them  a 
second  volley,  killed  one  more  and  wounded  three ;  upon  which 
the  enemy  retreated,  but  one  of  their  officers  brought  them 
back  to  their  ground  again,  and  then  they  fought  smartly,  and 
the  chief  of  our  Indians  was  wounded  through  the  breast  and 
one  arm,  and  another  slightly  on  the  knee.  Upon  this,  it  is 
said,  our  Indians,  enraged,  fought  more  like  dcvik  than  men. 
One  of  our  Indians  run  up  (on  observing  one  of  the  French 
Indians  presenting  his  piece)  within  ten  yards  of  him,  and  dis- 
charged his  piece  loaded  with  swan  shot,  into  his  breast,  upon 
which  he  fell  down  dead;  the  other  two  French  Indians,  on 
this,  run  for  it.  This  discouraged  the  French  so  much  that 
they  all  likewise  fled  towards  the  fort,  except  two  officers  and 
a  sergeant,  who  continued  fighting  bravely  till  they  all  three 
fell.  Part  of  our  Indians,  in  the  meantime,  pursued  those  that 
fled  till  they  came  within  musket-shot  of  the  fort,  and  say  they 
saw  nine  wounded  men  carried  into  the  garrison  by  the  others. 
They  then  returned  to  the  place  of  action,  but  observing  a 


.).v^-«^w.ff»»)i««!UiiMatt(«tMr'ji»:ai»W 


•AAMc -vUMMliriMllW- 


.  „.— u:j  iif.{  -tiig-  , 


II 


lit 


»          1  i. 

'i 

I 

140 


Attack  on  Number  Four. 


party  from  the  garrison  coming  after  them,  they  had  only  time 
to  take  six  scalps.  The  enemy  pursued  them  closely  two  days, 
till  they  came  to  the  lake  from  whence  a  river  issues  that  runs 
towards  the  Mohawk  Castle,  One  of  the  French  officers,  the 
Indians  say,  Was  a  young  man  dressed  in  blue,  with  a  broad 
gold  lace,  who  fovtght  with  undaunted  courage  till  he  was 
grievously  wounded,  and  then  called  out  for  quarters  in  the 
Indian  language ;  but,  perceiving  his  wounds  were  mortal,  they 
dispatched  him.  This  is  considered  the  gallantest  action  per- 
formed by  the  Indians  since  the  commencement  of  the  present 
war."  The  party  returned  to  their  head-quarters  on  the  24th 
of  the  same  month. 

This  expedition  is  thus  noticed  in  the  French  accounts: 
**  We  learn  (May  7th)  by  a  courier  just  arrived  from  Montreal, 
that  in  the  la;.t  days  of  April  a  party  of  Mohawks  and  English 
had  fallen  on  twenty-one  French  scouts  near  Fort  St.  Frederic, 
and  killed  and  scalped  five  of  them.  Sieur  Laplante,  an  officer, 
had  been  very  badly  treated  on  that  occasion,  having  received 
seven  gunshot  wounds.  This  unfortunate  occurrence  was  the 
result  of  too  much  confidence  on  the  part  of  the  French,  who 
have  been  surprised."  * 

The  Sieur  Laplante  was  doubtless  the  officer  in  blue  with 
gold  lace  trimmings,  just  mentioned  in  Johnson's  report. 

April  7.  Number  Four  had  been  abandoned  some  time  pre- 
vious to  this,  and  was  taken  possession  of  by  Capt.  Phinehas 
Stevens  and  about  thirty  men,  who  were  employed  in  ranging 
the  wilderness  to  intercept  parties  of  the  enemy.  They  had 
had  possession  but  a  short  time  before  an  army  of  French  and 
Indians  under  Mons.  Debeline  appeared  before  it.  Meantime 
Stevens  had  strengthened  the  fort  and  took  every  precaution  to 

*  Colonial  Documents  before  cited,  X,  96. 


■   '     rt  '  T  "      •  '  Ml  '       nli-|  [ 


iiiiliii  II 


••^rmm 


^mmmimmmi 


1747.]     French  repulsed  at  Number  Four.         141 

prevent  surprise.  Debeline  and  his  men  attacked  the  place 
with  much  confidence,  shooting  fire  arrows,  running  up  car- 
riages by  long  poles,  loaded  with  faggots,  to  set  fire  to  the  log 
fort ;  but  Stevens  "  had  dug  trenches  from  under  the  fort,  about 
a  yard  outwards,  in  several  places,  at  so  near  a  distance  to  each 
other,  as  by  throwing  water  we  might  put  out  the  fire."  This 
and  other  precautions  had  the  desired  efFe<ft,  though  the  enemy 
continued  their  attack  with  fire  arrows  for  near  two  days.  Then 
Debeline  sent  in  a  flag  for  a  parley.  Stevens  consented,  and 
hostages  were  given  and  taken.  The  surrender  of  the  fort 
was  demanded,  with  the  usual  promise  of  good  quarter  and  a 
safe  condudt  to  Montreal.  Stevens  answered  promptly  that  he 
would  never  give  up  the  fort.  Then  the  enemy  proposed  to 
buy  some  corn  of  him,  but  Stevens  said  he  would  not  sell  them 
a  kernel,  but  he  would  give  them  five  bushels  apiece  for  every 
hostage  they  would  send  in,  to  be  retained  till  they  should 
return  a  like  number  of  captives. 

Finding  they  could  gain  nothing  by  diplomacy,  they  resumed 
their  fire  arrow  operations ;  but  pretty  soon  became  convinced 
that  they  had  men  to  deal  with  that  were  not  to  be  frightened ; 
so,  to  make  a  safe  exhibition  of  their  courage,  they  commenced 
formidable  preparation  to  storm  the  fort,  which  they  probably 
had  no  intention  to  put  in  pra£tice,  for  on  the  night  of  the  third 
day  of  the  siege  they  decamped,  and  were  seen  no  more  for 
this  time.  All  the  damage  the  garrison  sustained  was  the 
wounding  of  two  of  Stevens's  men  slightly,  namely,  Joseph 
Ely  and  John  Brown.* 

The  news  of  the  gallant  and  successful  defense  of  Number 
Four,  caused  much  rejoicing  all  over  the  country.  At  the 
same    time    Commodore    Knowles,   afterwards    Sir    Charles 

*  The  French  account  will  be  found  in  N.  T.  CoJ.  Dots.,  X,  97. 


■  ! 


-tii4U..i>'ll?h7il.iftil, 


1 1   III  flMl^iryi|-nil»>i 


B 


142 


Surprise  at  Saratoga. 


[1747- 


Knowles,  arrived  with  a  small  squadron  in  Boston  harbor.  He 
had  been  governor  of  Louisbourg  since  its  capture.  On  hear- 
ing of  Stevens's  success,  the  commodore  was  so  well  pleased 
that  he  afterwards  sent  him  a  silver  hilted  sword.  It  was  in 
compliment  to  the  commodore  that  Number  Four  was  named 
Charlestown. 

The  enemy  appeared  in  large  force  at  Saratoga  the  same  day. 
As  Capt.  Trent,  with  Lieut.  Proctor's  party,  went  out  along 
the  river  to  the  ruins  of  Capt.  Schuyler's  house,  in  order  to 
cross  the  river,  they  were  ambushed  by  sixty  French  and 
Indians,  who  killed  eight  of  them  on  the  spot,  and  wounded 
several  others.  Trent  and  Proftor  rallied  their  men,  and 
bravely  fought  the  enemy  near  an  hour.  In  the  meantime 
Capt.  Livingston  dispatched  Capt.  Bradt  with  a  companv,  who 
came  up  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  and  soon  after  the 
enemy  drew  off,  leaving  some  plunder  and  one  wounded 
Frenchman  behind  them.* 

April  10.  The  same  party  of  the  enemy  next  appeared  at 
Kinderhook,  where  they  surprised  a  party  of  eleven  men  at 
work,  killed  two  of  them,  and  made  the  other  nine  captives. 
They  then  burnt  the  house  and  barn  of  Mr.  John  Van  Alstine, 
and  escaped  unmolested. f 

April  13.  A  young  man  named  Nathaniel  Dresser  is  killed 
at  Scarborough,  within  two  hundred  yards  of  a  garrison,^  and 
the  day  following, 

April  14,  the  enemy  appeared  suddenly  at  Saccarappe,  six 
miles  from  Portland,  captured  and  carried  off  William  Knight 

*  This  was  one  of  M.  de  Rigaud's  ex-  New    York   Colonial   DoeumentSf    X,  pp. 

peditions,  sent  out  by  him   from  Fort  St.  iiz,  iic. 
Frederic  under  the  immediatu  command         -}-  See  Ibidem^  116. 
of  M.  de  St.   Luc,  at  the   head   of  tv/o         \  See  more    full    particulars    in    Colli, 

hundred    Frenchmen  and  Indians.      See  Mame  Hiit.  Soc.,  Ill,  170,  171. 


1' 


-iUii-)M'f»     *«^'»«!--'*-»M>»l««r*ii*ii4ac,,gj(|^-.jp...^,  ■■-  i«ai«>.*4»^.)^.-  r^)<U4i<imlmmi>'M^-  ■^**^-*mfm:*m-t*-^^'<rf^tni'^  ■v^T'  ■HWHM*t»W'v*f  »-i 


■w^^ww^pp 


1747.]  Men  killed  at  Northfield. 


143 


and  his  two  sons.  Within  the  same  week  they  killed  a  Mr. 
Eliot  and  his  two  sons,  and  carried  a  Mr.  Marsh  or  Murch  into 
captivity. 

April  15.  At  Northfield,  a  little  after  sunset,  Nathaniel 
Dickinson  and  A>ahel  Burt  are  killed  and  scalped  as  they  were 
bringing  cows  out  of  the  woods.  They  then  made  their  way 
to  Winchester  and  the  two  Ashuelots,  and  burnt  all  the  three 
places,  which  had  been  deserted  by  the  inhabitants,  the  govern- 
ment not  being  able  to  protect  them.  They  complained 
mournfully  that  the  soldiers  had  been  withdrawn,  leaving  them 
with  no  means  of  taking  away  their  effects. 

On  the  same  15th  of  April  two  men  are  killed  near  a  garri- 
son at  Saco,  and  a  third  is  made  prisoner.  The  three  men  had 
been  weighing  hay  in  a  barn,  and  when  they  left  their  work 
were  Hred  up>on.  This  mischief  was  done  in  sight  of  a  ship- 
yard where  some  carpenters  were  at  work. 

April  21.  A  party  of  the  enemy  to  the  number  of  fifty,  as 
some  reported,  came  within  the  bounds  of  Falmouth,  killed  a 
Mr.  Foster,  and  made  captives  of  his  family  consisting  of  his 
wife  and  six  children. 

April  25.  The  Indians  appear  again  at  Saco;  some  fifty  or 
sixty  of  them  attacked  the  block-house  there,  and  endeavored 
to  burn  the  mills.  They  kept  up  the  attack  all  day,  and  were 
prevented  effecting  their  objeft  by  the  few  brave  men  stationed 
there,  and  had  two  of  their  number  killed. 

April  27.  Eleven  Indians  appeared  at  Damariscotta,  killed 
two  women  and  scalped  one  of  them.  The  husband  of  another 
of  them,  Capt.  John  Larman,  is  made  prisoner,  carried  to 
Canada,  and  delivered  at  Quebec  on  the  14th  of  May  follow- 
ing. One  account  says  the  women  killed  were  wife  and 
daughter  of  Capt.  Larman.     Smith  appears  not  to  have  heard 


nmsmms'- 


144 


Many  slain  at  PemaquiJ.  [  1 747. 


of  the  attack  until  the  8th  of  May,  and  then  not  to  have  had 
the  names  of  the  sutFerers.  His  entry  in  his  journal  is :  "  May 
8.  We  hear  the  Indians  yesterday,  at  Damariscotta,  took  a  man 
and  killed  his  wife  and  daughter-in-law." 

At  Canajoharie  a  party  of  ten  French  Indians  captured  a 
man.  Two  others  heard  the  man  halloo  for  help,  and  ran  to 
his  assistance,  and  Bred  upon  his  captors,  killing  one  and  wound- 
ing another ;  at  which  the  rest  fled,  leaving  their  dead  companion 
behind  them. 

May  2.  Five  Indians  have  this  week  killed  two  women 
about  Falmouth.  .   , 

May  4.  A  man  is  chased  into  the  center  of  the  town  of 
Wells,  and  the  day  following  one  Hinkley  is  killed  at  New 
Meadows  Neck.     He  had  a  brother  killed  at  another  time. 

May  9.  At  Topsham  a  canoe,  in  which  were  three  men 
and  one  woman,  is  shot  into  by  Indians  in  ambush,  by  which 
two  of  the  men  are  killed  and  the  other  sorely  wounded,  but 
the  woman  escaped  unhurt. 

May  21.  As  two  men  were  returning  with  their  grist  from 
a  mill,  between  Amauskteg  and  Suncook,  they  were  fired  upon 
by  a  party  of  Indians,  supposed  to  be  about  sixteen,  and  one  of 
them  was  killed  on  the  spot ;  the  other  escaped  remarkably,  as 
three  bullets  went  through  the  brim  of  his  hat,  and  ten  through 
several  parts  of  his  coat,  while  only  two  of  them  grazed  the 
skin  of  his  arm  and  side.  The  man  killed  was  named  Starkee, 
whom  the  enemy  scalped. 

May  22.  Fourteen  men  and  a  lad,  belonging  to  two  fishing 
vessels  at  Pemaquid,  went  up  to  the  Falls  to  take  some  alewives 
for  bait,  and  coming  near  the  Falls  in  a  whale-boat  and  canoe, 
belonging  to  the  fishing  schooners,  six  of  the  men  went  on 
shore,  and  \yhile  dipping  for  alewives  were  shot  upon,  but  none 


1 747-]  Massacre  at  Sagadahock. 


145 


were  killed.  All  retreated  except  Capt.  John  Cox,  who  stood 
his  ground  and  was  killed.  The  other  five  on  approaching, 
as  was  supposed,  a  more  advantageous  ground,  faced  the 
enemy,  but  were  soon  overpowered,  and  four  of  them  killed. 
The  other  seven  of  the  company  had  got  about  half  way  from 
the  boat  when  they  were  attacked  and  immediately  scattered, 
and  were  pursued  by  the  enemy,  who  killed  two  of  them  \  the 
remaining  four  men  and  the  boy  recovered  the  whale-boat  to 
escape,  but  were  shot  upon  and  two  more  killed  outright,  and 
Mr.  Abner  Lowell  sorely  wounded,  and  Capt.  Joseph  Cox 
severely,  whom  they  put  on  shore  on  the  other  side  of  the  river, 
being  followed  by  four  of  the  enemy  in  the  canoe,  who  soon 
overtook  Capt.  Cox  and  killed  him,  cutting  open  his  skull  with 
their  hatchets.  Mr.  Lowell  and  the  boy  not  being  able  to 
manage  the  boat,  watched  their  opportunity  and  fled  on  shore. 
The  lad,  being  fatigued,  ran  into  some  bushes  and  efFedtually 
hid  himself.  Although  the  Indians  made  much  search  for  him 
they  did  not  find  him.  Mr.  Lowell  and  the  boy  finally  escaped 
to  a  sloop,  Capt.  Saunders,  who  brought  them  off.  Three  of 
the  men  were  supposed  to  have  been  taken  prisoners,  viz : 
Reuben  Dyer,  Benjamin  Cox,  son  of  Joseph  before  mentioned, 
and  Benjamin  Mayhew.  Those  found  killed  and  scalped  were 
Captains  John  and  Joseph  Cox,  Lieut.  Hawes,  Nathaniel  Bull, 
George  Clark,  Jacob  Pett,  George  Caldwell,  John  Smith,  and 
Ezekiel  Webb.  Those  not  accounted  for  were  Edward  Bull, 
and  Josiah  Weston  or  Wesson.* 


*  Th-  names  are  obtained  from  several 
lources  ;  and  although  some  of  them  differ, 
and  no  one  account  contains  all  the  tifteen, 
the  above  list  is  believed  to  be  correal. 
Smith  has  a  Fiacent,  but  I  find  fifteen 
without  that  name.      All  agree  that  there 


were  fourteen  men  and  a  boy  or  lad.  The 
party  which  committed  this  savage  adlion 
consisted  of  fourteen  Pannaouamske  Abe- 
naquis.  French  accounts  in  N.  T.  Col, 
Docs.f  X,  107.  See  also  Boston  GazetH 
and  fVeekly  Journal,  June  ad,  1747. 


pr 


PI 


I -Wit 


■■iiii|iii»i<»l|iii  i<  III |iiiHiliillli(iXiill(iMlj»«Millllli'"illl'''i"l»«K»iliii 'ti  iiim"l|"ii'   I  «i|i 


liil 


146 


Fight  near  Hoosuck. 


VlM' 


fU 


John  and  Joseph  Cox  belonged  to  f'almouth,  Smith  and 
Weston  to  Purpooduck ;  Dyer,  Mayhew,  and  Benjamin  Cox  to 
Falmouth.  .  ^       ^      .  % 

May  23.  At  Rochester,  New  Hampshire,  Samuel  Drown 
is  shot  in  the  hip,  in  which  he  carried  the  ball  till  his  death, 
which  happened  in  1795,  at  the  age  of  ninety  years. 

May  25.  Some  of  the  forces  destined  for  the  expedition 
against  Canada,  had  been  ordered  to  rebuild  Fort  Massachusetts 
at  Hoosuck.  The  enemy's  scout ,  apptar  to  have  watched  the 
undertaking,  for  they  partially  surprised  a  party  of  one  hundred 
and  two  men  which  had  been  sent  thence  to  Albany  on  the 
19th  of  May,  to  guard  stores  for  Fort  Hoosuck.  The  guard 
was  under  the  command  of  Major  William  Williams  of  Stock- 
bridge,  Capt.  Elijah  Williams,  Lieut.  Groves,  and  Ensign 
Ingersole.  On  the  24th  they  were  sent  out  from  the  fort  to 
meet  this  convoy ;  another  detachment,  which  met  them  twelve 
miles  below,  aided  Major  Williams's  party  in  passing  Hoosuck 
river,  and  then  returned  to  the  fort.  On  the  morning  of  the 
25th,  Major  Williams  had  out  %e  scouts,  one  of  which  was 
under  Ensign  Konkapot.  He  also  sent  squads  of  men  forward 
to  clear  the  way  for  the  wagons.  These  having  performed 
that  service,  came  "stringing  along  (contrary  to  order),"  and 
were  fired  upon  by  an  ambush,  by  which  a  Stockbridge  Indian 
was  killed,  and  two  others  of  the  party  wounded.  And  though 
our  men  "pushed  the  enemy  like  lions,  those  serpents  got  off 
the  Indian's  scalp,  about  as  big  as  three  fingers."  All  the  rest 
reached  the  fort,  except  Zebulon  Allen  of  Deerfield,  who  was 
captured,  as  was  supposed.  Three  of  Williams's  men  were 
wounded,  but  not  dangerously.  The  enemy  were  met  near  a 
swamp,  and  a  considerable  skirmish  followed ;  and  seeing  the 
English  were  likely  to  have  the  advantage,  they  retreated  into 


u 

\ 

T\ 

[f*    1 

1747-] 


Saratoga  Besieged. 


147 


the  swamps,  but  the  discharge  of  a  cannon  at  the  fort  caused 
them  to  make  a  precipitate  retreat,  leaving  behind  them  twenty 
blankets,  one  coat  with  frosted  buttons,  three  of  a  meaner  sort, 
ten  pair  of  woolen  stockings,  one  pair  of  leather,  sixteen  gun- 
cases,  six  muttump  lines,  four  pairs  of  Indian  shoes,  looking- 
glass,  four  shirts,  twelve  knives,  five  hatchets,  eight  petunks, 
etc.,  etc.     The  Indians  reported  that  they  lost  ten  of  their  men. 

June  I.  About  this  date  the  Indian  chief  Kintigo  returns 
to  the  lower  Mohawk  Castle,  whence  he  went  against  the 
French  with  six  men.  They  brought  in  seven  prisoners  and 
three  scalps  taken  at  St.  Pierres,  a  little  above  Montreal. 

June  4,  It  was  reported  that  a  man  had  been  killed  at  Ro- 
chester, N.  H.,  in  the  course  of  the  week  previous,  but  his 
name  is  not  ascertained.  Encouraged  by  this  success  it  would 
seem,  for  on  •       • 

I-  June  7,  a  party  of  the  enemy  came  to  the  same  town,  and  as 
they  were  stealing  upon  a  party  of  men  at  work  in  a  field,  they 
were  discovered  by  three  boys,  on  whom  they  fired,  but  did  not 
hit  any  one.  John  Place,  one  of  the  three,  fired  and  wounded 
an  Indian ;  another  of  the  boys,  Paul  Jennens,  aimed  his  gun 
at  the  Indians,  but  did  not  fire,  though  it  had  the  effect  to  check 
ihem,  and  in  the  meantime  the  men  at  work  came  to  their 
relief  and  put  the  enemy  to  flight. 

June  15.  News  came  to  Boston  that  the  fort  at  Saraghtoga 
had  been  attacked  by  two  thousand  French  and  Indians,  who 
had  killed  sixty  of  the  garrison,  and  the  attack  was  still  in  pro- 
gress. The  place  was  relieved  soon  after  by  the  arrival  of  Col. 
Schuyler. 

June  20.  Lieut.  Chew,  with  one  hundred  and  two  men, 
went  on  an  expedition  towards  Canada,  was  attacked  and  had 
fifteen  of   his  men  killed,  and   forty-seven  wounded.      The 


iiiiimiiii>ii< 


— *«itj 


148 


Hendrik's  Expedition. 


[1747- 


m 


lieutenant  and  the  rest  of  his  command  were  made   prisoners 
and  sent  to  Crown  Point. 

June  26.  The  well  known  Indian  chief  Hendrik  returned 
from  a  march  into  the  enemy's  country.  He  had  some  thirty 
Indians  and  ten  white  men  under  him.  They  were  surprised 
on  an  Island  in  the  St.  Lawrence  above  Montreal,  by  th. 
enemy's  Indians,  in  which  four  of  the  white  men  and  nine  of 
the  Indians  are   killed  by  the  first  fire.     The  names  of  the 

whites  were  Cornelius  Van  Slyck,  Johannis  Pottman, Le 

Roy,  and  Gott.      Hendrik  and  the  rest  succeeded   in 

escaping.         . 

June  30.  Matthew  Loring  died  in  prison  at  Quebec.  He 
was  captured  at  sea,  May  29th  of  the  previous  year,  but  under 
what  circumstances  is  not  known,  nor  is  it  known  to  what  place 
he  belonged.    '  '  '  "  '     ';        '  ;■  v 

July  15.  About  thirty  or  forty  Indians  came  to  Fall  Town 
(since  Bernardstown),  shot  and  mortally  wounded  Eliakim 
Sheldon  as  he  was  hoeing  corn  in  the  field,  and,  although  he 
escaped  to  the  fort,  he  died  the  following  night.         t' 

July  21.  '*One  day  last  week  a  young  man  was  shot 
through  the  body  in  two  places  by  Indians  as  he  was  traveling 
between  Northfield  and  Falltown,  wounding  him  in  so  terrible 
a  manner  that  'tis  thought  he  is  dead  before  this  time."  The 
man  killed  was  probably  John  Mills  of  Colerain,  who,  according 
to  Taylor  in  the  Redeemed  Captive^  **was  passing  from  what 
was  called  the  South  fort  to  his  own  house." 

At  the  same  time  it  was  reported  that  a  woman  and  six  child- 
ren were  carried  ofF  from  Burnet's  Field,  on  the  Mohawk  river, 
the  only  out  settlement  undisturbed  hitherto  in  that  region. 

July  28.  At  Penacook  a  party  of  the  enemy  were  dis- 
covered by  their  shooting  at  some  cattle,  and  are  pursued  by 


1    .f  i 

-».  s-V  -«  - 

'f      I 
h    I 

M?     f 

W    I 


1747.]      JFiscassety  Epsom ^  Nottingham.  149 

fifty  men.     They  made  a  hasty  retreat,  leaving  their  packs, 
blankets,  and  other  things  behind  them. 

July  31.  At  Mount  Swag*  [Wiscasset]  Ebenezer  Hilton, 
Joseph  Hilton,  and  John  Boynton,  are  killed  by  Indians,  who 
took  William  Hilton  prisoner.f 

August  19.     A  man  is  fired  upon  at  Brunswick  and  wounded. 

August  20.  A  large  ship  arrives  in  Boston  harbor  with  two 
hundred  and  seventy-one  persons  which  had  been  prisoners  in 
Canada ;  thirty  were  left  there  sick,  seventy  had  died,  and  one 
hundred  remained. 

August  21.  At  Epsom,  N.  H.,  a  Mr.  Charles  McCoy, 
having  seen  some  signs  of  an  enemy  in  his  neighborhood,  coi.  ■ 
eluded  to  repair  to  the  nearest  garrison,  which  was  at  Notting- 
ham. He  and  his  wife  went  out  to  catch  their  horses,  and, 
becoming  separated,  Mrs.  McCoy  was  seized  by  the  Indians, 
who  carried  her  to  Canada  and  sold  her  to  the  French.  At  the 
end  of  the  war  she  was  liberated  and  returned  home.  She  and 
her  husband  lived  to  a  great  age,  he  being  a  hundred  and  five 
years  old  at  his  death. J; 

The  same  day  a  party  proceeded  to  Nottingham,  ambushed 
and  killed  Robert  Beard,  John  Folsom,  and  Elizabeth  Simpson, 
a  little  to  the  south  of  the  plain  since  called  the  Square.  The 
woman,  though  reported  killed,  it  is  believed  recovered  from 
her  wounds. 

About  this  time  (the  exa£t  date  has  not  been  ascertained)  a 
party  of  the  enemy  appeared  at  one  of  the  Ashuelots  (which, 

*  Sullivan   writes    Montsiveag,   one  of  county.  Maine,  which  communicates  with 
the  places  occupied   by  the  Wewenocks,  the  rivers  Sheepscut  and  Kennebeck." 
in   1749,    who  sent    six   deputies   to   the         •{•See  N.  T.  Doc.  Hist.,  X,  121. 
treaty  of  Falmouth.   Sec  post.      Dt.  Morse         J  The  reader  will  find  some  additional 
has  Montsiogut  in  his  Gazetteer  of  1795,  details  in  Judge  Potter's  History  0/  Man- 
Mi  says  it  is   "a  river  or  bay  in  Lincoln  Chester,  pp.  230-3. 


■rm'-'tiffiW'Vy^-J'tt^"^'^  •»•«?'■'' 


)f.r<i^,'=  V-tl  *<Hkw'n^-»>  wW1^^*^>iB<','W*«*»«'»<5i...-*wy  ,wjW|{iw^r^jy«w)tH^^ 


1«A>*<J>.'«'>K»IIW>'i4.»>^. 


mtsmssess^sms^ 


.,«»i|ii|«V*vi»i>/liP'l'»Wi'.'W|*iii|i'IW(",'»""*fi!'»'»"l'l''i*l'IWI''>'I^WW 


Mfct  mil' 


150 


Northampton's  Losses. 


['747' 


is  not  stated),  killed  three  cattle,  and  would  doubtless  have  done 
greater  mischief,  but  for  their  having  been  discovered  by  some 
of  the  inhabitants,  who  fired  upon  them.  The  Indians  returned 
the  fire,  but  none  were  killed  or  wounded. 

August  26.  At  Northampton  (in  the  part  since  Southamp- 
ton) Elijah  Clark  was  killed  and  scalped  as  he  was  threshing 
grain  in  his  barn.  "  He  was  the  last  of  between  fifty  and  sixty 
deaths  by  the  Indians,  as  stated  on  the  records  of  the  town." 

August  27.  At  Marblehead,  since  Windham,  Maine,  one 
William  Bolton  is  captured,  and  a  lad  of  Mr.  Mayberry 
wounded. 

August  29.  The  Rev.  Dr.  Ben- 
jamin Colman  dies  in  Boston,  at  the 
age  of  seventy-three.  He  served 
long  as  a  Commissioner  of  the  In- 
dian Corporation  of  London,  and  was 
one  of  the  ablest  ministers  in  New 
England.  He  was  once  a  prisoner 
to  the  French,  having  been  taken  at 
sea,  after  *'  fighting  bravely,"  accord- 
ing to  his  biographer. 

Sept.  2.  Some  sixty  of  the  enemy 
hovered  about  Pemaquid,  and  finally 
attacked  it,  but  were  beaten  off.  They  surprised  two  men  at 
some  distance  from  the  fort,  shot  them  down  and  scalped  them. 
These  were  soon  after  found  by  men  from  the  fort.  One  was 
not  quite  dead,  and  was  able  to  rhake  them  understand  that  he 
was  scalped  by  a  Frenchman,  and  that  not  far  ofF  were  two 
dead  Indians  who  were  killed  from  the  fort.  On  going  to  the 
spot  no  Indians  were  found,  but  a  great  amount  of  blood. 
At  the  same  time  came  the  account  of  a  fight  at  St.  George's 


Benjamin  Colman,  D.  D. 


■•», 


ii#«»#^(U»;! 


>v^.^frr««:'if<l»>'>»i<IJf|ll>ll<l|itll|i>lllilnM 


^^^"^^^■^ 


^v-mirm'm' 


1 747-] 


Fight  at  George^ s  Fort. 


151 


fort.  Lieut.  T.  Kilpatrick  went  out  with  twenty-five  men  to 
scout  and  procure  wood.  While  upon  this  duty  a  large  number 
of  Indians  attacked  him.  Capt.  Bradbury  of  the  fort,  hearing 
the  firing,  sent  out  another  party  which  were  soon  engaged  with 
the  enemy,  and  the  fight  continued  about  two  hours.  The 
enemy  finally  withdrew,  carrying  off  their  dead  and  wounded. 
Of  our  men  four  were  killed,  namely,  John  Kilpatrick,  Nathan 
Bradley,  John  Vose,  and  Benjamin  Harvey  —  the  two  former 
they  scalped — and  there  were  three  wounded.  The  loss  of 
the  enemy  was  considerable,  as  was  evident  from  the  amount 
of  blood  discovered.     Three  scalps  were  taken  from  the  enemy. 

The  party  of  Indians  who  did  the  mischief  consisted  of 
about  sixty  Abenakies,  twenty  of  whom  returned  to  Quebec 
October  3d,  N.  S.  They  reported  that  the  English  had  been 
too  hard  for  them ;  that  the  two  chiefs  had  lost  two  of  their 
children,  one  was  the  son  of  Sagonaurabb,  and  a  third  the  son  of 
Louis  Meseadoue.* 

Oiftober  i.  Peter  Boovee,  or  Bevoee,  is  captured  near  Fort 
Massachusetts.  He  was  a  soldier  belonging  to  that  fort,  and 
was  out  hunting.     He  returned  after  peace. 

O6lober  3.  A  small  exchange  of  captives  was  eflfeiled  at 
Isle  "  Basque,  thirty-five  leagues  below  Quebec,  by  an  agent 
of  assachusetts,  who  left  Boston  August  ist,  and  delivered 
there  sixty-ihree  French  prisoners,  and  received  in  return  six- 
teen of  the  English.  He  made  this  journey  in  two  months  and 
three  days. 

October  9.  David  Brainerd,  a  noted  missionary  to  the 
Indians,  dies,  at  Northampton,  aged  twenty-nine.  His  life  has 
been  published  and  republished,  on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic, 

*  Nev)  York  Cohnial  Documentt,  X,  127,  130. 


ili:»L«  ■  jJujj-'S^v.iA'ilEiC&iSiiifc,. 


■  I]  jnniiiMinwo'ii'i"""' 


152 


Capture  of  Rainbow. 


Vl\7' 


drawn  up  from  his  journals  principally,  by  the  eminent  divine, 
Jonathan  Edwards.* 

October  16.  Major  Willard,  Capt.  Alexander,  and  others, 
were  coming  from  Ashuelot  to  Northfield ;  in  Winchester  they 
met  some  cattle  running  as  though  pursued.  Capt.  Alexander, 
being  forward,  saw  a  PVenchman  in  the  path,  coming  towards 
him.  When  he  saw  our  men  he  jumped  behind  a  tree.  Capt. 
Alexander  fired  and  wounded  him  in  the  breast,  whereupon  he 
made  up  to  the  captain  and  saluted  him  handsomely^  then  fainted 
and  fell.  Supposing  the  main  body  of  the  enemy  at  hand,  and 
that  the  Frenchman  was  mortally  wounded,  he  was  left  behind. 
Presently  his  Indian  companions  came  to  him.  They  took  him 
up  and  carried  him  some  distance ;  but,  like  the  other  party, 
they,  supposing  the  English  close  upon  them,  left  the  wounded 
Frenchman  and  retreated.  A  few  days  after,  having  revived, 
he  made  his  way  into  Northfield,  surrendered  himself  to  the 
EngUsh,  and  was  confided  to  the  care  of  the  Rev.  Benjamin 
Doolittle,  who  a<3:ed  the  part  of  surgeon,  and  his  wounds  were 
soon  healed ;  f  after  which  Capt.  Alexander  conveyed  him  to 
Boston,  where  he  was  kindly  treated,  and  in  February  following 
he  accompanied  Sergeant  Hawks  with  a  flag  of  truce  to  Canada, 
to  be  exchanged,  and  was  quite  serviceable  to  him  in  his  mis- 
sion. His  name  appears  to  have  been  Pierre  Raimbault,|  which 
the  English  generally  understood  to  be  Rainbow.,  though  they 
sometimes  wrote  it  Rainboe.     On  Sergeant  Hawks's  return,  on 


■      .-  .i: 

t  .     ■ 

*  His  life  is  given  in  Dr.  Allen's 
Amtr.  Biog.  Diiiionary,  and  is  one  of  the 
many  in  that  work  drawn  out  at  an  un- 
reasonable and  disproportionate  length. 

•)■  Mr.  Doolittle  does  not  mention  these 
hett  in  his  Mtmoin.  See  A^.  r.  Col. 
Docs,  X,  147,  153' 


\  Or  Sieur  Simblin,  accoiding  to  the 
i.'nch  report  of  the  affair.  Perhaps  he 
passed  himself  off  with  the  English  under 
the  assumed  name  above  given.  See 
Ibidem  i  also  Ibidem,  X,  31.  Rainbow 
made  quite  a  sensation  in  Boston,  being 
much  noticed  by  the  ladies. 


it-.J'->«t"\^wP»*TV^--TI1'*T~"-"''"L'-'' 


1 747.]         Men  killed  at  Number  Four, 


153 


the  4th  of  May  of  this  year,  the  governor  of  Canada  sent 
Raimbault)  with  Hve  other  Frenchmen,  and  two  or  three  Indians, 
as  a  guard  to  accompany  him,  which  they  did,  to  within  a  few 
miles  of  Number  Four.  Sergeant  Hawks  brought  along  with 
him  two  that  had  been  some  time  in  captivity,  namely,  Samuel 
Allen,  taken  at  Deerfield,  August  25th,  1746,  and  Nathan 
Blake,  who  was  taken  at  Upper  Ashuelot,  April  23d,  the  same 
year  (1746).      ■ 

October  19.  As  Mr.  John  Smead  was  traveling  from 
Northfield  to  Sunderland  he  was  killed  by  an  ambush  and 
scalped.  The  fortune  of  this  poor  man  was  of  the  most  me- 
lancholy kind ;  having  been  one  of  those  who  were  taken  pri- 
soners at  Fort  Massachusetts,  with  his  wife  and  six  little  child- 
ren, and  carried  to  Canada,  as  already  related,  and  was  but 
recently  returned  out  of  captivity.  His  son  Daniel  died  in 
prison  at  Quebec,  after  a  long  and  distressing  sickness  of  several 
months,  May  13th,  1747. 

Ojftober  22.  About  forty  of  the  enemy  came  to  Bridgman's 
Fort,  near  Fort  Dummer,  took  Jonathan  Sartle,  or  Sawtelle,  as 
he  was  going  from  Col.  Hinsdale's  Fort  into  the  woods,  then 
burnt  Capt.  Bridgman's  Fort,  house  and  barn. 

Nov.  14.*  As  twelve  men  were  drawing  off  from  Number 
Four,  a  considerable  party  of  the  enemy  waylaid  them  as  they 
passed  down  the  river,  within  half  a  mile  of  the  garrison,  shot 
upon  them,  killed  and  scalped  Nathaniel  Gould  and  Thomas 
Goodale;  Oliver  Avery  was  wounded,  and  John  Henderson 
was  taken  captive.     The  rest  escaped  by  flight. 

The  French  account  of  this  affair  is  as  follows :  The  party 
consisted  of  forty  Indians  from  tb:^  Lake  of  the  Two  Mount- 
ains, and  were  led  by  the  Chevalier  de  Longueui!,  Jr.     They 

*  Taylor  dates  this  massacre  Odober  a4th,  but  I  follow  Doolittle. 

u 


i 


•I 


m\  ■ 


immm- 


154 


LongueutTs  Report. 


[1747- 


I 


Wft 


called  Number  Four  Fort  Oequarine ;  they  attacked  nine  men 
who  were  going  out  of  that  fort,  killed  two  of  them  and  took 
cne  prisoner,  whose  name  was  John  Anderson,  an  Irishman, 
twenty  years  of  age,  by  whom  they  learned  that  the  captain  of 
the  fort  was  named  Elias  Williams.  Longueuil  returned  with 
his  prisoners  to  Montreal  not  long  after.*  His  report  of  the 
news  he  obtained  on  this  expedition  was  a  singular  medley,  and 
could  have  afforded  little  satisfadlion  to  the  governor.  Some 
of  it  is  thus  detailed :  "  That  the  fleets  of  Admiral  Townsend 
[he  means  Admiral  Anson  and  Vice-Admiral  Warren]  were 
appointed  this  year  for  the  Canada  expedition,  but  that  the  bat- 
tle they  fought  has  prevented  their  coming.  That  in  the  pro- 
positions of  peace  the  king  [of  France]  had  demanded  the 
restitution  of  Louisbourg,  and  that  King  George  had  answered, 
it  was  not  at  his  disposal ;  it  was  a  conquest  of  the  people  of 
Boston."t 

It  does  not  appear  that  Anson  was  destined  for  North 
America  at  the  time  mentioned,  but  was  stationed  in  the  Chan- 
nel to  intercept  the  shattered  fleet  of  D'Anville  on  its  return 
to  France.  "  The  battle  "  mentioned  was  that  of  Anson's  fleet 
with  that  of  De  Jonquiere's  off  Brest.  De  Jonquiere  was 
fitted  out  to  reinforce  the  Duke  D'Anville,  but,  with  all  his 
fleet,  was  overpowered  and  taken.  The  English  had  five 
hundred  and  twenty  men  killed  and  wounded.  Their  ships 
were  double  the  number  of  the  French,  and  Anson  was 
seconded  by  Boscawen,  Brett,  and  Saumarez. 

*  How  the  Frenchmen  got  the  name  fVillard,  who  was  in  command  of  the 

of  the  fort  it  is  not  easy  to  see.     Whether  fort  not  long  before,  and  perhaps  when 

the   prisoner's   name   was   Anderson   or  this  attacic  was  made.     See  N.  Y.  Gol. 

Henderson  is  a  little  uncertain.     By  Elhs  i?0c>.,  X>  147. 

fFilliamt  they  can  hardly  mean  Josiah  f  Ibidem. 


H 


mmi»i^'>^it\,-: 


'.'.-.-.-._:•;':.' -\     CHAPTER    IX.   .-'r;' ^•v.t';:.W ■;•::.•-. 

A.         '  DIARY    OF    DEPREDATIONS    (conUnued).  ;       > 

Men  killed  at  Number  Four — At  FortDummer  —  Poquoig  — Sheepicot  —  Suncook  —  Rochetter  — 
Bruniwick  —  North    Yarmouth  —  Southampton  —  Berwick  —  Fort   Maiiachusetti  —  Hollli'i 

I  Attempt  to  civilize  Indiani  at  Slockbridge  —  Captain  Melvin's  Surpriie  —  Ambuih  near  Kin- 
derhook  —  Men  killed  between  Hintdale't  and  Fort  Dummer  —  Captain  Hobbs'  Expedition 
and  Surprise  —  Newt  of  Peace — Capture  of  John  Fitch  and  Family  —  Depredationi  at  Upper 
Aihuelot  —  Falmoiith  —  Butchery   near  Fort  Oummer  —  Other  Detalli — Surpriie  near  Sche< 

'  neAady  —  The  Six  Nations  at  Albany  —  Depredation  at  North6eld  — Fight  at  Fort  Maua- 
chuietti  —  Flag  of  Truce  from  Canada  —  Depredation  at  Sheepicut  —  Captivei  returned  — 
Treaty  of  Aix  la  Chapelle  —  Depredationi  on  the  Frontiers  continue  —  Caplaini  Prcbble  and 
Coffin  attacked  at  Annapolii  Royal  —  A  Deputation  of  French  and  Indians  in  New  York 
City  —  Peace  proclaimed  in  Boston  —  Sartell  killed  at  Number  Four —  Eaitern  Indians  at 
Boston  —  Treaty  made  with  them  at  Falmouth  —  An  Indian  Trick  —  Efforts  to  recover  Cap- 
tives from  Canada  — Incidents. 

HE  snow  being  very  deep,  on  March 
15th,  the  enemy  were  not  supposed 
to  be  about ;  some  eight  men  went 
I  out  from  Number  Four  to  procure 
wood.  When  about  sixty  rods  from 
the  fort,  ten  Indians,  or,  as  some 
judged,  twenty,  sprang  up,  and  by 
a  volley  killed  Charles  Stevens, 
wounded  one  Andrews,*  and  took  Eleazer  Priest 
captive.  They  then  recreated  at  their  leisure, 
^|%"  our  men  having  no  snow-shoes  to  enable  them  to  pur- 
sue, while  the  enemy  were  v,ell  supplied  with  them.  It 
is  said  the  French  had  been  apprised  of  this  fa£l,  which  was 
the  occasion  of  their  undertaking  an  enterprise  under  the  very 
walls  of  the  fort. 

*  Andreas.  Doolitlle,     Androos.   Tsyltr, 


i'iitiaiHi 


,i6 


Surprise  near  Fort  Dummer.        [1748. 


>  M  j: 


March  29.  About  fifteen  Indians  waylaid  the  scout  path 
between  Fort  Dummer  and  Colerain.  Lieut.  Serjeant  went 
out  in  this  path  with  four  other  men,  to  obtain  timber  for  oars 
and  paddles.  At  about  one  mile  from  Fort  Dummer  they  were 
fired  upon.  Moses  Cooper  was  mortally  wounded  the  first 
fire,  yet  escaped  to  the  fort,  but  died  the  next  night.  Lieut. 
Serjeant,  his  son,  and  Joshua  Wells,  engaged  the  enemy,  fight- 
ing as  they  retreated.  Wells  was  killed.  Serjeant  encouraged 
his  son,  saying  they  should  have  help  from  the  fort,  charged 
many  times,  shouted  as  often  as  the  enemy  did,  and  called  to 
them  to  come  out  and  fight  like  men ;  but  after  a  retreat  of 
half  a  mile  the  lieutenant  was  killed  and  his  son  taken  prisoner. 
It  is  said  they  received  no  help  from  the  fort  because  some  of 
the  men  were  sick  of  the  measles,  and  the  others  had  no  snow- 
shoes! 

There  is  a  circumstantial  account  of  the  murder  of  a  man 
at  Groton,  and  the  killing  of  the  murderer,  said  to  have  hap- 
pened in  that  town  some  time  during  this  war  j  but  as  the  rela- 
tion is  unaccompanied  by  any  date,  it  may  have  occurred  much 
earlier,  or  even  later  than  the  period  assigned  to  it.  The  fol- 
lowing are  the  fafts  as  recorded,  probably  long  after : 

An  Indian  had  been  seen,  for  several  days,  lurking  about  the 
town,  upon  some  ill  design,  as  was  supposed.  One  Jacob 
Ames,  who  lived  on  the  intervale,  on  the  west  side  of  the 
Nashaway,  on  land  now,  or  since,  owned  by  John  Boynton, 
Esq.,  went  into  his  pasture  to  catch  his  horse.  Discovering 
the  Indian,  who,  it  would  seem,  had  lain  in  wait  for  him,  he 
ran  for  his  house  with  all  speed.  The  Indian  gained  upon  him, 
leveled  his  gun  and  shot  him  dead  as  he  was  entering  the 
inclosure  surrounding  the  house.  Ames's  son  and  a  daughter 
were  in  the  house.     The  son,  seeing  his  father  fall,  sprang  for- 


it  ^'  i 


i.'j.iiK!tai' 


^iTlESBEMiiaBaHnMBEiaraTOMB^^ 


1748.] 


Affair  at  Groton, 


m 


ward  to  close  the  gate,  but  was  prevented  by  the  dead  body  of 
his  father.  The  Indian  now  came  up,  and  as  he  was  attempt- 
ing to  pass  the  gate,  young  Ames  fired  upon  him.  The  ball 
struck  the  latch  of  the  gate  and  was  thus  cut  into  two  parts, 
one  of  which  struck  the  Indian,  slightly  wounding  him ;  not, 
however,  sufficiently  to  prevent  his  attempting  an  entrance  into 
the  house  \  but  young  Ames  pressed  the  door  against  him,  yet 
the  Indian  thrust  one  foot  in,  and  was  there  held  while  Ames's 
sister  passed  him  his  father's  gun,  which  was  in  the  house. 
Thus  both  parties  were  fully  occupied  for  the  moment  —  the 
Indian  in  attempting  to  force  the  door,  and  Ames  in  holding  it 
against  him.  In  another  second  Ames  brought  down  the  but 
of  the  gun  upon  the  Indian's  foot,  which  made  him  make  a 
hasty  withdrawal  of  it.  The  latter  now  commenced  reloading 
his  gun  for  a  new  campaign ;  but  Ames  had  the  advantage,  for 
his  was  already  loaded,  which  he  discharged  through  a  loophole 
or  crevice,  and  killed  the  Indian.  The  report  of  the  guns  soon 
brought  two  men  to  the  scene  of  disaster,  Ezra  and  Benjamin 
Farnsworth,  who  were  at  a  mill  about  a  mile  off;  they  found 
the  elder  Ames  and  the  Indian  weltering  in  their  blood  not 
many  paces  distant.  This  depredation  is  thought  to  be  the 
only  one  which  happened  in  Groton  during  this  war.* 

April  16.  As  Jason  Babcock  was  at  work  in  his  field,  at 
"Poquoig,t  about  seven  miles  from  Nichewag,"  he  was  sur- 
prised and  carried  off  prisoner,  but  returned  by  way  of  the  St. 
Lawrence  and  the  Atlantic,  arriving  in  Boston  the  6th  of 
October  following. 

April  24.     From  the  eastern  country  came  the  following  dis- 


*  For  the  fafls  in  this  narrative  I  am     direction  Nitchnuog  lay  from  Poquoig,  it 
indebted  to  Butler,  Hiit.  Groton^  iio-ii.     not  easily  determined.     The  name  is  not 
^  Afterward*  Athol.      But   in   what     found  on  the  map*  consulted. 


.11: 


'*"^ir^«**(rtl^Wfelt.  |.ii  |»  ti  I  mJm* 


,,m^tmm$im  inpin'   m  n 


is8 


Murders  and  Captures, 


[.748. 


t.  i    !;> 


If. 


tressing  news,  in  a  letter  dated,  Georgetown,  the  29th  of  April ; 
namely,  that  on  Sunday,  the  24th,  James  Kincaid  was  killed. 
He  had  been  in  captivity  nearly  two  years,  having  returned  in 
a  French  flag  last  summer.  At  Avery's  garrison  at  Sheepscut, 
were  killed  one  Carr  and  one  Ball,  and  Avery  was  led  away 
captive.  It  appears  that  from  the  uneasiness  of  the  dogs  in  the 
garrison  there  were  thought  to  be  Indians  in  the  vicinity,  and 
the  above-named  men,  with  two  others,  went  out,  and  but  two 
of  them  returned.  Two  days  after  five  Indians  were  seen 
going  up  a  creek  in  Georgetown,  as  unconcernedly  as  if  it  had 
been  a  time  of  peace,  and  there  was  no  one  to  molest  them. 
On  the  following  day,  , 

i  April  27,  within  gunshot  of  the  fort,  the  enemy  took  Job 
Philbrook  and  Samuel  McForney  and  carried  them  off.  The 
same  day  one  o*"  the  garrison  at  St.  George's,  named  Presbury 
Woolen,  was  iptured  and  carried  to  Canada,  but  he  returned 
in  0£lober  following.     He  belonged  to  Sandwich. 

April  30.  While  at  work  on  the  western  bank  of  the  Mer- 
rimack river,  opposite  the  mouth  of  the  Suncook,  Mr.  Robert 
Buntin,  in  company  with  James  Carr  and  his  son,  a  lad  of 
ten  years,  were  surprised  by  a  party  of  Indians.  Carr,  in 
endeavoring  to  make  his  escape,  was  shot  down  and  killed. 
Buntin  and  his  son  were  taken  and  carried  to  Canada,  and  there 
sold  to  a  Frenchman  in  Montreal.  With  other  prisoners  they 
were  sent  to  Boston  by  way  of  Louisbourg,  where  they  arrived 
Oftober  6th  following,  after  the  comparatively  short  captivity 
of  five  months.  The  name  of  the  son  of  Robert  Buntin  was 
Andrew.  He  went  a  soldier  in  the  war  of  the  Revolution,  in 
which  service,  at  White  Plains,  he  died. 

Besides  the  above  mischief  at  Suncook,  the  enemy  killed  the 


f.^*M~i»4wa|MWiM«M 


»^^^^ 


1748.] 


Murders  at  Rochester. 


159 


cattle  of  two  teams,  consisting  of  nine  oxen,  six  of  which  they 
cut  up  and  carried  off,  with  the  tongues  only  of  the  other  three. 

May  I.  At  Rochester,  about  ten  miles  northwesterly  of 
Dover,  in  New  Hampshire,  a  Mr.  Jonathan  Hodgdon  and  his 
wife  went  out  to  find  and  milk  their  cows,  and,  taking  different 
paths,  some  Indians  sprang  from  a  thicket  and  seized  Mrs. 
Hodgdon,  and  would  probably  have  carried  her  off  alive,  but 
she  screamed  to  her  husband,  and  would  not  cease  until  they 
gagged  her,  nor  then  could  they  stop  her  entirely,  whereupon 
they  cut  open  her  head  with  their  hatchets,  killing  her  imme- 
diately. Mr.  Hodgdon  heard  her  cries,  and  was  near  enough 
to  see  the  fatal  blows  dealt,  but,  as  he  was  powerless,  and  could 
do  nothing  to  save  her,  he  fled  to  the  garrison,  closely  pursued 
by  the  murderers  of  his  wife.  She  was  a  yo«ng  woman  much 
beloved  for  amiable  and  virtuous  qualities,  by  wijose  death  two 
young  children  were  left  motherless. 

Mr.  Hodgdon  married  a  second  wife,  and  had,  in  all,  twenty- 
one  children,  and  lived  to  the  great  age  of  ninety  years,  dying 
in  1815. 

May  3.  Several  persons  are  killed  at  Brunswick,  among 
whom  was  a  Captain  Burnet,  or  Burnel,  and  no  further  record 
is  found  of  this  depredation.  Not  far  from  the  same  time  a 
man  is  killed  at  North  Yarmouth,  named  Ebenezer  Eaton,  and 
another,  Benjamin  Lake,  captivated;  and  ^^all  the  houses  to 
the  eastward  of  Weirs"  were  burnt  down.  The  number  of 
the  enemy  was  computed  at  an  hundred,  as  they  were  able  to 
waylay  *'all  the  road  to  New  Casco." 

May  8.  About  twelve  Indians  laying  in  ambush  near  a 
house  in  Southampton,  shot  and  killed  Noah  Pixley.  A  WiU 
Ham  Pixley  was  an  early  settler  in  Wesrfield,  from  whom  Noah 
was  probably  descended. 


>iiii>lliit  ii>  Mim.' n  »|rtr»i*>ii»  i  »i<rn(iiiiw»r<ii,iii  I 


•  i'illiKU'ii  ii|i'iH'lVinjltiV.tf*"'"*'ti^«"'*'i'  '"Klyii  * 


! 


It 


1 60  ^ff^ir  near  Fort  Massachusetts.     [1748, 

May  10.  At  Berwick,  on  the  east  side  of  Salmon  Falls 
river,  a  town  about  seven  miles  northwest  from  York,  in  the 
district  of  Maine,  a  young  woman  named  Morell,  going  out  a 
short  distance  from  a  house,  is  seized  by  Indians,  who,  after 
barbarously  murdering  her  with  their  hatchets,  tore  off  her  scalp 
and  escaped.  •        '  \-%. 

May  21.  About  thirty  Indians  came  and  formed  an  ambush 
near  Fort  Massachusetts,  hoping  to  take  some  of  the  men  of 
the  fort  prisoners,  as  they  might  come  out  to  pass  towards 
Deerfield.  It  so  happened  that  Serjeant  Elisha  Chapin,  with  a 
number  of  men,  went  out  from  Deerfield  towards  the  fort.  As 
they  marched  cautiously  along  they  discovered  one  oi  the 
enemy  standing  and  earnestly  watching  the  fort.  The  sergeant 
thinking  they  might  be  some  of  the  friendly  Stockbridges, 
called  to  thern.  Supposing  they  were  discovered,  the  enemy 
jumped  from  their  hiding  places  and  ran.  ^  on  this  Chapin 
and  one  or  two  of  his  men  fired  upon  theni,  killing  one  of 
them,  the  rest  making  their  escape,  leaving  on  the  place  a  gun, 
several  blankets,  and  many  other  things.  With  these  trophies, 
and  the  scalp  of  the  Indian,  Chapin  and  his  party  pursued  their 
march  to  the  fort.* 

May  23.  Amidst  all  the  trying  scenes  of  the  war  efforts 
were  not  relaxed  by  benevolent  Christians  to  civilize  such  of 
the  Indians  as  they  could  have  ac<"ess  to.  Especially  had  efforts 
been  made  among  the  Stockbridge  tribe.  Owing  to  hostilities 
it  was  not  thought  advisable  to  set  up  a  school  at  Stockbridge, 
although  Mr.  Isa^.c  Hollis  of  High  Wycomb  in  Bucks  had 
made  a  donation  for  the  support  of  twelve  boys  "of  heathen 
parents"  to  be  educated  in  "letters  and  husbandry."  It  was 
therefore  concluded  to  engage  the  boys  and  to  send  them  into 

*  Sec  Apr«»»pix  F. 


Mi 


1748.] 


Mehin*s  Expedition, 


i6i 


the  settled  part  of  the  country,  and  thus  carry  out  the  benevo- 
lent purpose  of  Mr.  Hollis.  Accordingly,  Mr.  Sergeant,  the 
missionary  at  Stockbridge,  engaged  Captain  Martin  Kellogg  of 
Newington,  in  Connefticut,  to  take  and  support  the  twelve 
boys,  and  thus  carry  into  efFe£t  the  object  which  had  been  for 
some  time  in  contemplation.  The  boys  having  been  sele<Sled, 
set  out  for  Newington  at  the  date  above  given.  After  they  had 
spent  a  year  under  the  direction  of  Captain  Kellogg,  they 
accompanied  him  to  their  former  home,  and  a  favorable  report 
was  given  of  their  progress  in  education  and  civilization. 
Captain  Kellogg  was  selected  as  their  tutor  and  governor,  as 
he  had  a  knov/ledge  of  the  Indian  language,  having  been  twice 
captivated  and  carried  a  prisoner  to  Canada  in  his  youth. 

May  25.  Captain  Eleazer  Melvin  was  su.prised  and  had  a 
severe  fight  with  the  Lidians  at  a  point  on  West  river.  With 
eighteen  men  he  marched  into  the  Indian  country,  from  Fort 
Dummer,  upon  a  scouting  expedition,  on  the  13th  of  May. 
After  marching,  by  the  captain's  estimation,  about  ninety  miles, 
he  arrived  at  the  shore  <  f  Lake  Champlain,  having  till  then 
(May  25th)  discovered  no  Indians.  He  now  discovered  a  lahge 
canoe  in  which  were  six  Indians,  but  beyond  the  reach  of  his 
guns.  Soon  after  another  was  seen  with  twelve  in  it.  By 
running  to  a  point  of  land,  about  half  a  mile  nearer  Crown 
Point  fort,  they  got  within  some  fifty  or  sixty  rods  of  the  boat 
or  canoe ;  thinking  he  might  have  no  better  opportunity  to 
annoy  the  enemy,  he  ordered  his  men  to  fire  into  their  canoe, 
which  they  did,  firing  six  times  each  in  about  three  or  four 
minutes.  At  the  first  shot  all  in  the  canoe  lay  down  close,  but 
when  three  rounds  had  been  poured  into  them,  "they  made  a 
most  terrible  outcry,"  cut  down  their  sails,  and  about  six  of 
them  commenced  paddling  to  get  out  of  the  reach  of  their 
V 


mim*tlni»lia^.mli:V]<ttl,)i    I  lillilrli'ijVl'MiiiijrH', 


■if. 


1^ 


162 


Melvin's  Disaster. 


[1748. 


assailants.  At  the  fourth  volley  from  Melvin's  men,  three  of 
the  enemy  made  a  shot  at  them,  by  which  one  man  had  his 
hand  grazed  by  one  of  their  balls.  By  this  time  the  alarm 
had  reached  Crown  Point,  of  which  notice  was  given  by  firing 
three  of  the  cannon  of  the  fort.  The  assailants  now  thought 
it  time  to  make  good  their  retreat  j  and  fearing  the  enemy 
might  intercept  them  in  their  return  march,  they  waded  swamps 
and  flowed  land,  and  scaled  mountains  in  various  directions. 
At  length  they  reached  West  river,  thirty-five  miles  from  Fort 
Dummer,  on  the  last  day  of  May.  Now  feeling  that  they  had 
got  safely  thus  far,  they  probably  were  a  little  too  secure,  and 
were  not  sufficiently  cautious,  and  allowed  themselves  to  be 
surprised,  and,  in  a  feeble  fight  that  ensued,  Melvin  lost  six  of 
his  men  killed  outright,  namely,  Joseph  Petty,  John  Howard, 
John  Dod,  Daniel  Man,  Isaac  Taylor,  and  Samuel  Severance. 

It  appears  that  as  soon  as  Melvin  was  attacked  his  men  scat- 
tered, a  few  of  them  faced  about  and  made  some  shots  on 
their  pursuers,  but  no  considerable  stand  was  made  by  any  of 
them,  and  all  except  the  six  above  named  came  into  Fort  Dum- 
mer at  different  times ;  and  at  the  time  it  was  remarked,  that 
"it  was  a  surprising  stroke,  and  struck  a  great  damp  into  the 
spirits  of  our  men  who  had  thoughts  of  going  into  their  [the 
Indian]  country ;  when  they  found  how  far  the  Indians  would 
pursue  them  to  get  an  advantage  upon  them."  But  the  same 
writer  had  remarked  before,  that  there  was  a  probability  that 
the  Indians  that  surprised  Melvin  were  the  same  that  had  been 
discovered  and  routed  by  Sergeant  Chapin  on  the  21st  of  May. 
How  this  may  have  been  it  would  be  useless  to  conjecture. 

Whether  any  charge  of  remissness  of  duty  was  brought 
against  Captain  Melvin,  no  mention  is  found.  Perhaps  his 
explanation,  and  his  former  services  under  Captain  Lovewell 


'3M^JtL^.. 


mmmmHmmmmmtm 


mmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmKg!B''''^''''''''lli'' 


1748.] 


Hobbs's  Expedition. 


163 


¥• 


sufficiently  shielded  him  from  suspicion  of  cowardice  or  want 
of  capacity  in  such  commands. 

As  twenty  men  were  on  their  march  to  Kinderhook  they 
fell  into  an  Ambush  of  French  and  Indians,  who  killed  five  of 
them  and  took  two  prisoners.  Another  party  of  English,  con- 
sisting of  fifteen,  soon  after  came  up  with  the  enemy,  killed 
their  leader,  a  Frenchman,  and  two  Indians  on  the  spot; 
recovered  the  two  prisoners,  and  put  the  enemy  to  flight,  who 
left  their  accoutrements  behind  them. 

June  16.  A  large  body  of  the  enemy  having  waylaid  the 
road  between  Col.  Hinsdale's  Fort  and  Fort  Dummer,  fired 
upon  a  company  of  thirteen  men  as  they  were  passing  from  the 
former  to  the  latter  fort,  where,  by  one  volley,  were  shot  down 
and  killed,  Joseph  Richardson,  Nathan  French  and  John  Frost. 
Three  only  escaped ;  the  rest  were  taken  prisoners.  It  after- 
wards appeared  that  one  of  the  prisoners  was  mortally  wounded, 
as  the  bones  of  a  man  were  found  where  the  enemy  encamped 
the  first  night  after  their  murderous  exploit,  and  W.  Bickford 
was  missing.  The  names  of  the  men  thus  captured  were  Henry 
Stevens,  Benjamin  Osgood,  William  Blanchard,  Matthew 
Wyman,  Joel  Johnson,  Moses  Perkins,  and  William  Bickford. 

June  26.  An  expedition  under  Captain  Humphrey  Hobbs 
went  out  from  Number  Four.  It  consisted  of  forty  men. 
Their  march  seems  to  have  been  early  known  to  the  enemy, 
whose  spies  were  probably  secreted  near  the  fort  when  Captain 
Hobbs  commenced  his  march,  for  when  he  arrived  at  a  point 
about  twelve  miles  northwest  of  that  fort  he  found  he  was 
pursued  by  one  hundred  and  fifty  of  the  enemy.  It  being  the 
middle  of  the  day,  he  had  halted  his  men  to  allow  them  to  take 
some  refreshment,  when  the  approach  of  the  enemy  was 
announced   by  a  gun  from  the  sentinel  stationed  in  the  rear. 


1 


mttm 


'titmi'kh, 


-  "-J?/R1 


164 


Desperate  Battle. 


[1748. 


Whereupon,  almost  momentarily,  the  enemy  came  on  with 
their  accustomed  shouts  and  yells;  and  yet,  notwithstanding 
the  great  disparity  in  numbers.  Captain  Hobbs  and  his  men 
stood  their  ground,  giving  them  "a  warm  reception,"  and,  in 
the  manner  of  battles  of  those  times,  continued  the  fight  for 
four  hours,  during  which  Hobbs  lost  three  men  in  killed, 
namely,  Samuel  Gun,  Ebenezer  Mitchell,  and  Eli  Scott,  and 
three  more  very  badly  wounded,  whose  names  were  Samuel 
Graves,  shot  in  the  head,  by  which  some  of  his  brains  came 
out ;  Daniel  McKeney,  who  had  his  thigh  broken ;  and  Nathan 
Walker,  who  had  an  arm  broken,  the  ball  lodging  between  the 
bones,  and  Ralph  Rice  slightly.  Up  to  this  time  the  enemy 
unflinchingly  continued  the  fight ;  but  now,  fortunately,  Capt. 
Hobbs  got  a  shot  at  their  leader,  the  Indian  chief  who  had 
encouraged  his  men,  and  it  was  supposed  killed,  or  so  badly 
wounded  him  that  they  all  left  the  ground  and  drew  off,  and 
Capt.  Hobbs  was  able  to  carry  off  his  dead  and  wounded  men. 
He  buried  the  killed  about  half  a  mile  from  the  scene  of  the 
fight,  **as  well  as  he  could  in  the  dark,"  and  the  next  day  con- 
tinued his  march  to  Fort  Dummer  with  his  wounded,  and  the 
following  day  he  proceeded  to  Northfield. 

Considering  all  the  circumstances,  there  had  hardly  been  a 
more  desperate  aftion  between  the  English  and  Indians  since 
that  at  Pequawket  in  1725,  when  the  "brave  Lovewell  with 
fifty  men  from  Dunstable,"  encountered  Paugus  in  the  wild- 
erness of  the  Aucosisco.  And  yet  it  is  scarcely  mentioned  in 
any  considerable  work  of  history,  and  is  yet  to  be  sung  by 
some  native  poet  in  the  perhaps  very  distant  future.  But  it  is 
sure  to  be  immortalized  in  song,  no  doubt  worthy  of  the  occa- 
sion. One  local  writer  las  indeed  said  in  prose,  that  "it  was 
a  very  manly  fight;"  and  another,  that  "our  men  fought  with 


MMMiHH 


I  fti><|T>iH1llii,Hn.l1i;i'    ill  ><!*<  MUJn^ 


^>I4-S 


■«£(;• 


1748.] 


Fitche's  Garrison  taken. 


165 


such  boldness  and  fortitude,  as  that  had  they  been  Romans, 
they  would  have  received  a  laurel^  and  their  names  would  have 
been  handed  down  with  honor  to  posterity." 

What  loss  the  enemy  sustained  in  this  severe  conflict  was 
never  known ;  but  as  they  were  near  three  to  one  of  the  Eng- 
lish, they  must  have,  in  all  probability,  suffered  at  least  in  as 
great  a  proportion  as  their  opponents.  They  also  retired  from 
the  field  without  giving  even  a  single  shout,  which  they  never 
do  when  successful.  It  was  also  observed,  that  when  about 
a  week  after  the  battle  they  met  some  of  the  English  captives, 
they  looked  downcast,  "like  dogs  that  had  lost  their  ears." 

July  2.  News  reached  New  England  that  preliminary  arti- 
cles of  peace  had  been  agreed  upon  between  the  contending 
powers  in  Europe. 

July  5.  A  large  party  of  about  eighty  Indians,  and  a  few 
Frenchmen,  surprised  the  garrison  at  Lunenburg,  took  prison- 
ers Mr.  John  Fitch  and  his  family,  consisting  of  his  wife  and 
five  children,  and  carried  them  through  the  wilderness  to 
Canada,  where  they  remained  till  the  news  of  peace  between 
England  and  France  was  received  there;  after  which,  with 
other  captives,  Mr.  Fitch  returned  home  by  way  of  New  York. 
Like  hundreds  of  others  he  returned  a  beggar  to  his  desolate 
home,  with  several  small  children  dependent  upon  him.  As 
he  left  under  his  own  hand  a  circumstantial  account  of  his  cap- 
ture, the  reader  may  desire  a  more  detailed  narrative  of  the 
affair.     It  therefore  follows: 

Mr.  Fitch  was  a  carpenter  by  trade,  and,  having  a  young  and 
growing  family,  he  determined  to  make  a  farm  in  the  wilder- 
ness, and  accordingly  purchased,  in  the  year  1739,  one  hundred 
and  twenty  acres  of  land  about  seven  miles  and  a  half  above 
Lunenburg  meeting-house,  and  about  three  miles  and  a  half 


i  i 


mmM 


PI: 


■  .M>i;'iViiif,-.;<rvi!' 


mi 

m 


;  |3 


1 66 


John  Fit c he's  Narrative.  [1748. 


beyond  any  inhabitants,  on  the  road  to  Northfield.  He  there 
built  a  house,  and  from  the  produce  of  what  land  he  had  from 
time  to  time  cleared,  supported  his  family,  "and  some  to  spare, 
whereby  he  entertained  and  refreshed  travelers."  On  the 
breaking  out  of  the  war,  knowing  his  very  exposed  situation, 
the  people  of  Lunenburg  urged  upon  him  the  importance  of 
having  a  garrison  at  his  place.  The  result  was,  with  their 
assistance  one  was  soon  ereiled,  and  soldiers  stationed  in  it  by 
the  government.  From  that  time  forth  it  was  a  place  of  re- 
sort and  refreshment  for  town  scouts,  as  well  as  for  the  larger 
government  scouts.  This  year  four  soldiers  were  allowed  for 
his  garrison,  and  it  was  also  ordered  that  the  scouts  from 
Lunenburg  and  Townsend  should  visit  the  place  once  every 
week.  From  which  circumstance  the  authorities  probably 
imagined  that  if  the  enemy  came  to  attack  t'  e  garrison  they 
would  come  at  the  same  time  the  scouts  were  there  to  enter- 
tain them!  But,  if  this  was  their  calculation,  *'they  reckoned 
without  their  host."  And,  to  add  to  the  desperate  situation  of 
this  pioneer  family,  half  of  the  regular  soldiers  belonging  to 
the  garrison  (namely,  two)  were  too  sick  to  be  upon  duty,  and 
this  was  the  time  the  enemy  cv  ne  for  entertainment.  They 
did  not  even  wait  for  a  scout  which  was  to  arrive  as  a  reinforce- 
ment the  same  day,  but  appeared  before  the  garrison  in  the 
forenoon.  Mr.  Fitch  and  his  two  defenders,  Blodget  and 
Jennings^  were  outside  of  the  garrison  when  the  enemy  made 
their  appearance,  and  as  the  disparity  of  the  forces  was  too 
great  to  warrant  a  prolonged  a£lion,  after  having  half  of  his 
small  force  shot  down,  with  the  remaining  half  (namely,  one 
man)  Mr.  Fitch  retreated  within  his  garrison.  Nothing 
daunted,  the  enemy  came  on  with  thir  usual  bravery,  and 
vigorously  continued  the  attack,  while  chose  wichin  defended 


]^ 


WHSB&M'M 


^mtfptv-ri\Mf,itiK  MHwivnM*tMtWM>#wti'«MWP'; 


BJUUUBUUBII 


^nsizsBBsr 


I  I      lllllMl    I    I 


"W^^ 


1748.] 


yoi6«  Fitchews  Narrative.  167 


themselves  until  Mr.  Fitch's  last  man  was  killed  by  a  shot 
which  came  through  one  of  the  port-holes  of  the  garrison. 

Thus  reduced,  and  no  hope  of  succor,  Mr.  Fitch,  with  his 
wife  and  five  children,  became  captives  to  the  Indians.  After 
plundering  the  place,  taking  whatever  they  could  carry  away, 
they  set  fire  to  and  burnt  the  rest,  with  the  garrison  and  other 
buildings.  Then,  says  the  owner,  "we  entered  into  a  melan- 
choly captivity,  with  one  small  child  on  the  mother's  breast," 
and  two  others,  to  prevent  their  starving,  she  was  compelled  to 
nourish  in  the  same  manner  while  on  their  journey  through  the 
wilderness.  This  distressing  hardship,  with  other  privations, 
broke  her  constitution,  and,  although  she  survived  her  captivity, 
she  died  before  the  end  of  her  journey  homeward. 

About  the  23d  of  September,  condu6led  by  five  French 
officers,  Mr.  Fitch  and  his  family,  with  many  others,  arrived  in 
Boston,  his  wife  having  died  at  Providence,  on  the  passage 
from  New  York  hither.  With  his  five  children,  one  of  whom 
was  sick,  Mr.  Fitch  was  entirely  dependent  on  charity;  all  his 
stock  of  cattle,  hogs,  and  other  animals,  destroyed,  and  his 
tools  and  household  utensils  burnt  up.  In  December,  1749, 
he  petitioned  the  government  of  the  colony  for  help,  and  on 
the  following  April  (1750)  the  treasurer  was  directed  to  answer 
his  order  for  eight  pounds !  "  in  consideration  for  his  sufferings ! " 

The  names  of  Mr.  Fitch's  five  children  were  Catharine, 
John,  Paul,  Susannah,  and  Jacob.  His  wife's  name  was  Su- 
sannah. 

The  part  of  Lunenburg  since  Ashby,  includes  the  farm  and 
residence  of  John  Fitch. 

July  8.  A  party  of  Indians  came  to  Upper  Ashuelot  and 
killed  eleven  head  of  cattle,  which  is  all  the  damage  they  did, 
go  far  as  known. 


1 


r 

...  1 


■MiHiii 


i,  ^ 


168 


Surprise  of  the  English.  [1748. 


The  night  of  the  same  day,  a  man  of  the  name  of  Whitney- 
died  at  Falmouth  of  the  wounds  he  had  received  from  the 
Indians.  .     '  .   •  u    " 

July  14.  The  road  between  Fort  Hinsdale  and  Fort  Dum- 
mer  is  again  waylaid  by  a  large  number  of  Indians,  reported  to 
have  been  a  hundred,  and  as  Sergeant  Thomas  Taylor,  with  a 
company  of  seventeen  men,  was  on  his  march  from  Hinsdale's 
Fort  to  Fort  Dummer,  the  Indians  fired  upon  them  and  then 
rushed  upon  them  with  their  tomahawks  and  war  clubs.  The 
sergeant  ordered  his  men  to  fight,  but  the  odds  was  too  great, 
and  the  English  were  quickly  overpov/ered,  and  all  were  killed 
or  taken  except  four  who  escaped  by  flight.     The  killed  were 

Joseph  Rose,  Asael  Graves, Billings  and Chandler; 

nine  were  taken  prisoners,  namely.  Sergeant  Thomas  Taylor, 

Thomas  Crisson,  John  Henry, Lawrence, Walker, 

Daniel  How,  Jr.,* Edghill,  Daniel  Farmer,t  and  Ephraim 

Powers.  Of  the  four  that  escaped,  one  was  badly  wounded. 
Two  of  the  captured  men  being  severely  wounded  also,  were 
carried  about  a  mile  and  then  killed.  The  Indians  which  per- 
formed this  bloody  work  were  said  to  have  been  a  part  of  those 
who  had  the  four-hour  fight  with  Capt.  Hobbs. 

The  following  is  the  report  of  this  disaster  published  about 
fourteen  days  after  it  happened:  "From  the  westward  we 
have  intelligence  that  Captain  Stevens,  having  been  lately  out 
with  a  number  of  men,  found  four  of  the  seventeen  men  that 
were  fallen  upon  by  the  enemy  between  Hinsdell's  Fort  and 
Fort  Dummer,  dead;  nine  more  are  supposed  to  be  in  cap- 
tivity.    He  also  found  one  of  the  ten  who  were  missing  some 

*  He  had  be*n  in  captivity  about  two     seem)  not  to  have  been  known  to  the 
years  before.     See  24  June,  1746.  genealogist  of  the  Farmer  fomily,   Mr. 

-j-  The    circumstance     here     recorded     John  Farmer. 


m 


1748.]  Disaster  near  ScheneBady. 


169 


time  before.  He  followed  the  enemy,  but  could  not  come  up 
with  them.  He  also  buried  Capt.  Hobbs's  three  men  which 
the  enemy  had  not  found."     ;    *    ;  ■   -  !    v  ,  •■•■K 

July  18.  About  three  miles  from  Schenedtady,  Daniel  Tol, 
Dirk  Van  Vorst  and  a  negro  went  to  a  place  called  Poependal 
to  catch  their  horses;  but  not  finding  the  horses  as  they 
expe£l{;d,  they  went  into  the  adjacent  woods  to  a  place  called 
the  Claypit.  They  discovered  Indians  and  attempted  to  escape 
from  them,  but  were  pursued  by  them,  and  both  Tol  and  Van 
Vorst  were  shot  down,  but  the  negro  escaped.  Van  Vorst, 
though  wounded,  was  not  killed,  but  taken  prisoner.  The 
firing  was  heard  at  Maalwyck,  about  two  miles  distant,  and  the 
people  there,  knowing  that  Tol  and  Van  Vorst  had  gone  for 
their  horses,  suspe<Sted  the  occasion  of  the  firing.  This  was 
about  ten  o'clock  in  the  morning,  and  a  messenger  was  at  once 
dispatched  to  the  town,  where  the  alarm  was  sounded  about 
twelve.  Some  of  the  inhabitants,  with  a  company  of  the  new 
levies  posted  there  under  Lieutenant  Darling  of  Connecticut, 
in  all  seventy  men,  marched  out  towards  Poependal,  cautiously 
searching  for  the  enemy,  as  far  as  the  lands  of  Simon  Groot, 
but  made  no  discovery  of  the  enemy.  At  this  point  the  negro 
before  mentioned  came  to  the  party  and  told  them  where  the 
body  of  his  master  -.vas.  The  negro  was  furnished  with  a 
horse,  and  they  (about  forty  in  number)  were  piloted  to  the  spot 
where  his  master  lay  dead ;  and  near  Poependal,  at  Abraham  De 
Graaff's  house.  They  immediately  entered  the  woods  with  the 
negro,  where  they  at  once  discovered  the  enemy  in  great  num- 
bers, upon  whom  they  discharged  a  volley  with  a  shout.  The 
enemy  shouted  in  return,  accompanying  it  with  a  volley  also. 
This  was  the  commencement  of  a  most  desperate  fight.  All 
but  two  or  three  of  the  English  stood  to  it  manfully,  although 

W 


w 


li-;i»ill,ii>ilii)iiiiiM  »wl«iilfti'«'l'''M'ii"*"   <*<>l'l '"  n-.Hhi.iU«iii»«iMiii>  n ■iwiiiPi 


^^ 


170 


T&e  Slain  at  Schenectady,  [1748. 


m  w^ 


iWrti'^^ 


they  were  hemmed  in  on  every  side  by  the  great  numbers  of 
the  enemy,  and  fought  over  a  space  of  about  two  acres ;  yet 
the  battle  ground  was  left  in  possession  of  the  settlers.  In  this 
hand  to  hand  encounter  twelve  of  the  inhabitants  of  Sche- 
neftady  were  killed  outright,  five  taken  prisoners,  and  seven  of 
Lieutenant  Darling's  men,  including  himself,  were  killed,  and 
six  of  them  missing,  supposed  to  be  taken  prisoners. 

The  news  of  this  battle  reached  Albany  in  the  evening  of 
the  same  day,  and  by  midnight  Lieutenant  Chew,  with  one 
hundred  English  and  about  two  hundred  friendly  Indians  were 
on  the  march  for  the  scene  of  a£tion,  but  to  no  other  purpose 
than  as  shewing  their  willingness  to  meet  an  emergency  of  this 
kind.  .       ,      ■ , 

The  names  of  the  people  killed,  so  far  as  ascertained,  were 
Daniel  Tol,  Frans  Vander  Bogart,  Jr.,  Jacob  Glen,  Jr., 
Daniel  Van  Antwerpen,  J.  P.  V.  Antwerpen,  Cornelius 
Vielen,  Jr.,  Adrian  Van  Slyk,  Peter  Vroman,  Klaas  A.  De 
Graaf,  Adam  Conde,  John  A.  Bradt,  John  Marienes. 

There  were  missing  Isaac  Truax,  Ryer  Wemp,  Johan  Seyer 
Vroman,  x\lbert  John  Vedder,  and  Frank  Conner,  all  belong- 
ing to  ScheneSiade.  Of  the  soldiers  seven  were  killed  and  six 
missing. 

July  22.  An  immense  concourse  of  Indians  of  the  Six  Na- 
tions assembled  at  Albany,  at  the  invitation  of  the  governor  of 
New  York.  His  object  being  to  keep  them  to  the  English 
interest.  Several  governors  of  the  other  colonies  were  present. 
It  lasted  four  days,  during  which  time  the  Indians  were  feasted, 
and  presents  were  made  to  them  at  a  cost  of  above  two 
thousand  pounds ;  upon  which  it  is  reported  that  they  were  well 
pleased,  and  promised  to  take  up  the  hatchet  against  all  enemies 
of  the  English.     There  were  fourteen  hundred  and  fifty  of  them. 


L 


MHMi 


^^^g^^^|^_g|^|^|^^_^ 


'ir.' 


1748.]      Fight  near  Fort  Massachusetts.  171 

July  23.  At  Northfield  a  few  Indians,  the  number  not 
known,  but  said  to  be  six,  waylaid  the  Town  Street^  and  as 
Aaron  Belden  was  passing  along  before  sunrise,  they  killed  and 
scalped  him,  and  fled  into  the  woods  before  the  people  were 
aware  of  what  had  occurred.  '     '  • 

August  2.  A  party  of  some  fifty  French  and  Indians  went 
into  the  immediate  vicinity  of  Fort  Massachusetts  and  placed 
themselves  in  ambush.  By  the  furious  barking  of  the  dogs  in 
the  fort,  the  officers  concluded  there  were  Indians  not  far  ofF. 
Capt.  Ephraim  Williams  was  in  command,  and  in  the  after- 
noon, while  he  was  consulting  with  his  men  upon  some  method 
by  which  he  could  surprise  the  ambush,  several  soldiers  ran 
out  of  the  fort  without  orders,  following  a  direction  indicated 
by  the  dogs.  A  part  of  the  ambush  jumped  up  and  fired  upon 
the  men.  Upon  this  Captain  Williams  sallied  out  with  a  strong 
party  to  rescue  those  already  engaged ;  and,  not  knowing  where 
the  ambush  was,  found  he  had  passed  it,  or  a  part  of  it,  and 
was  in  imminent  danger  of  being  cut  off  in  a  retreat ;  but  he 
and  his  men  courageously  fought  retreating,  and  gained  the  fort 
with  the  loss  of  one  man  only  killed  and  two  wounded.  The 
man  killed  was  named  Abbot.  The  wounded  were  Lieut. 
Hawley,  shot  through  the  leg,  and  Ezekiel  Wells,  who  had  his 
thigh  broken.  The  enemy  was  thought  to  haVe  sustained  con- 
siderable damage,  as  they  were  seen  to  drag  away  several  dead 
bodies.  Captain  Williams's  men  made  a  stand  before  retreating, 
and  fired  several  times  apiece  without  any  shelter. 

August  4.  It  had  been  some  time  known  in  Canada  that 
preliminaries  of  peace  had  been  agreed  upon  in  Europe,  but 
the  news  had  not  reached  Boston  in  any  authentic  shape  until 
this  date,  and  then  it  came  from  three  French  Indians  who 


Ml     »l      ^i     »ll   II  IIMII    iiJufci  llllll^l 


I  »ii»    IIIMII    I  Hl»l  l|lll  I  I  H  |lll 


iii».  m4    >|i 


18  f; 


172 


Prisoners  arrive  in  Boston.  [1748. 


came  to  Albany  from  Canada  to  announce  it.  Yet  depreda- 
tions continued. 

August  16.  The  governor  of  Canada  having  dispatched 
from  (Quebec,  on  July  27th,  a  flag  of  truce  ship  for  Boston,  it 
arrived  here  after  a  passage  of  twenty  days.  When  the  ship 
sailed  there  were  about  one  hundred  and  seventy-five  captives. 
One  or  two  died  on  the  voyage.*  In  all  there  had  died  in  cap- 
tivity and  on  shipboard,  one  hundred  and  seventy-three ;  all,  or 
nearly  all  New  England  people.  While  in  captivity,  in  the 
hands  of  the  French,  they  were  allowed  each  one  pound  and 
a  half  of  bread,  half  a  pound  of  beef,  one  gill  of  peas,  *'  with 
spruce  beer,"  per  day. 

August  23.  The  enemy  appeared  again  on  Sheepscot  river, 
where  -they  killed  two  men  and  captured  another  j  but  their 
names  are  not  mentioi:ed. 

October  6.  The  schooner  Brittania,  Aylmer  Graville 
master,  from  Louisbourg,  came  into  the  harbor  of  Boston, 
with  a  great  number  of  persons  who  had  been  in  captivity 
among  the  French  and  Indians  in  Canada.  Many  of  them  had 
been  captured  at  sea,  and  belonged  to  various  sea-ports  in 
England. 

0(ftober  7.  The  trftaty  of  Aix  la  Chapelle  was  signed  by 
the  envoys,  but  the  fa£t  was  not  formally  proclaimed  at  Boston 
until  about  six  months  after,  so  slow  was  the  communication 
between  distant  places  at  that  period.  Hence  war  parties  from 
Canada  hovered  upon  the  borders  of  New  England  as  though 
no  treaty  had  been  made.  Although  the  treaty  of  Aix  is  a 
noted  epoch,  it  proved  to  be  nothing  but  a  kind  of  armistice,  a 

*  Douglass  mentioni  some  of  the  h€kt     wrong  year.     His  dates  are  ohtn  errone- 
detailed  in  this  paragraph,  hut  under  the     ously  giyen,  yet  his  work  is  valuable. 


'1 


II   \      i 


i\i  mi 


•«Jm 


1 748 .  ]       Prebble  and  Coffin  s  Expedition.  1 7 3 

**  hasty  and  ill-digested  aiFair,  determining  none  uf  the  points  in 
dispute.* 

OiStobcr  20.  Captain  Jedediah  Prebble  and  Captain  Coffin,! 
with  thirty  men,  embarked  at  Annapolis  Royal  for  St.  John's 
river.  The  next  day  Captain  Gorham  embarked  with  thirty 
more.  Captain  Gorham  on  board  the  Ansonif  with  the  same 
number,  sailed  on  the  24th.  On  the  28th  Captain  Gorham, 
with  "ten  men  and  paddles,"  went  to  the  east  of  the  harbor, 
and  Captain  Prebble  and  Captain  Davis  of  the  Warren,  with 
five  oarsmen,  went  to  the  westward  of  the  harbor  to  make  dis- 
coveries, and  on  going  on  shore  were  fired  upon  by  the  Indians, 
who  killed  William  Croxford,  one  of  Captain  Prebble's  men  j 
they  also  killed  two  of  Captain  Gorham's  men  and  wounded 
three  others.  Captain  Prebble  at  the  same  time  having  a  very 
narrow  escape.  Seeing  an  Indian  in  the  edge  of  a  wood  taking 
aim  at  him  with  his  rifle,  at  about  eighty  yards  distance,  the 
captain  stepped  behind  a  small  tree  which  at  the  same  moment 
received  the  ball  from  the  Indian's  gun.  Captain  Prebble  im- 
mediately fired  upon  the  Indian  *'  with  a  brace  of  balls,"  as  also 
did  Captain  Davis  -,  but  whether  with  execution,  they  could  not 
tell,  as  all  the  party  retreated  to  their  boats  and  returned  to  the 
place  of  their  departure,  with  two  Indians  prisoners.  By  what 
manner  the  prisoners  were  taken  is  not  stated,  although  it  is 
mentioned  that  one  was  a  son  of  a  chief,  but  the  chief  was 
able  to  make  his  escape. 

February  17.  Nineteen  Indians  and  Frenchmen  arrived  at 
New  York  from  Canada.     Their  objedt  seems  not  to  have 

*  yfynncyBrit.  Emp.in  America,ll,  ^.  is    unknown.     I    have    supplied   that  of 

f  The  genealogist  of  Newbury  does  not  Preble  conjefturally. 
geem  to  have  known  anything  about  thi»         '^  Doubtless  so  named  for  the  Commo- 

Coffin,  consequently  his  Christian  name  dore. 


■MM 


mm 


r " 


iM .  *iu,^i*!ini  (.n"miii„ 


IJUPIIUIM 


wmimHmKmmmi 


174 


Peace  proclaimed  in  Boston.         [  1 748. 


been  generally  known.  Perhaps  it  was  in  consequence  of  the 
newo  of  an  armistice.  They  continued  there  until  the  9th  of 
April  following,  causing  much  speculation  respe<Sting  the  objedts 
of  their  visit. 

May  10.  A  proclamation  of  peace  is  made  with  great 
demonstrations  of  joy  at  Boston.  The  regiment  of  the  town 
was  ordered  out,  and  paraded  in  King  street;  and  being  drawn 
up  before  the  Town  Hall,  the  proclamation  was  read  from  the 
balcony,  and  received  with  great  and  unfeigned  delight  by  the 
people.  But,  like  the  ocean  long  lashed  by  the  tempest,  its 
fury  does  not  entirely  abate  with  the  going  down  of  the  wind. 

June  20.  The  frontier  towns  were  again  thrown  into 
exi;itement  and  alarm.  The  repeated  news  of  peace  in  Europe 
had  inspired  many  with  confidence  that  the  war  was  at  an  end, 
and  hence  they  repaired  in  many  instances  to  their  abandoned 
farms  and  dwellings.  Under  this  hope  of  security  a  band  of 
^>avages  made  their  appearance  at  Number  Four,  just  after  the 
soldiers  which  had  been  stationed  in  the  fort  there  had  left, 
having  been  ordered  eljiwhere.  This  morning  (June  20*) 
Ensign  Obadiah  Svir';ell  went  into  the  field  to  barrow  corn, 
taking  Enos  Stevens  with  him  to  ride  the  horse.  The  Indians 
were  concealed  in  the  bushes  whi'^h  skirted  the  field,  and  from 
which  they  fired  upon  and  killed  Sartell,  also  the  horse  on  which 
the  boy  was.  The  Indians  then,  ten  or  twelve  in  number, 
quite  naked,  rushed  upon  and  scalped  Sartell,  took  the  boy  and 
carried  him  to  Canada,  but  the  authorities  there  discountenanced 
the  depredation  and  had  the  boy  sent  back  immediately. 

*  Mr«.  Johnson,  in  her  Ctf/>»'i'iOi,  gives  was  edited  by   a  scholar  (the   late  Rev. 

the  particulars  of  this  affair,  but  wai  mis-  Abner  Kneeland,  ab    he  informed   me), 

taken  in  saying  it  was  in  May.     Her  well  from  such  materials  as  the  Johnson  family 

writ'en  account  it  quite  erroneous  in  ita  ntd  preserved.     A  reprint  is  in  Farmer 

dates  generally.     The  third  edition  of  it  and  Moore's  Hiti.  CoUtfiions,  I,  i-j-j-x-t^^. 


m 


m 


f^flwsf^^^^nwJ!Ji'«ii!.i»ii-M.  ^^M~ 
■.A■L'u»M■4^>■^.l■^*l^■i>■  ■ii.i>. 


1748.] 


Close  of  the  War. 


^7S 


The  Indians  at  the  eastward  had  been  quite  as  troublesome 
as  those  on  the  western  border  j  and  although  they  generally 
knew  of  the  armistice  before  the  English  were  apprised  of  it, 
they  did  not  entirely  cease  their  depredations  for  some  time 
after  they  had  received  the  news.  And  although  they  had 
exceedingly  annoyed  and  distressed  the  English  settlers  on  all 
their  borders,  and  were  almost  always  successful  in  their  forays 
against  them,  yet  in  the  past  five  years  of  war  they  had,  through 
casualties  of  battles,  infedlious  diseases,  and  rum,  become 
amazingly  reduced,  so  that  the  better  part  of  them,  especially 
in  the  eastern  country,  were  quite  as  ready  as  their  English 
neighbors  to  make  terms  of  peace.  The  murders  and  other 
mischiefs  perpetr- '>  '  luring  several  months  past  was  the  work  of 
straggling  parties  which  had  not  acknowledged  accountability  to 
any  body,  but  operated  through  a  thirst  for  plunder  and  revenge. 

Early  this  year  the  chiefs  of  the  eastern  tribes  met  in  council, 
and  agreed  to  make  overtures  to  the  government  of  New  Eng- 
land for  a  settlement  of  difficulties.  This  they  made  known 
to  the  authorities  by  a  messenger  dispatched  for  the  purpose. 

Other  preliminary  arrangements  are  not  found  upon  record 
before  the  3d  of  June.  Then  Gov.  Shirley  wrote  to  Gov. 
Benning  Wentworth,  and  probably  to  the  other  New  E  .gland 
governors,  that  there  were  then  nine  Indians  in  Boston,  six 
from  the  Penobscot  and  three  from  the  Norridgewalk  tribes ; 
that  they  stated  they  had  been  sent  here  by  their  own,  the  St. 
Francois  and  St.  John's  river  tribes  to  assure  the  authorities  of 
their  desire  for  peace,  and  to  request  that  a  time  and  place  of 
meeting  might  be  fixed  for  holding  a  treaty ;  that  he  had,  in 
accordance  with  their  request,  appointed  the  27th  of  September 
ensuing  for  a  meeting  at  Falmouth,  and  desired  that  New 
Hampshire  would  be  represented  on  the  occasion,  and  that  as 


i.,r^Mj^j4«i.*^*jWW^WI>4*>:l!'f'^''^*^l^>*^^  ,  II  i.a,  I  .j,-kx.„    -     ^^^^^^!^ 


m 


176  Treaty  at  Fa'mouth.  [1748. 

suitable  presents  would  be  expected   by  the  Indians,  he  had 
given  orders  for  such  on  the  part  of  Massachusetts. 

On  the  17th  of  June  seven  other  Indians  arrived  at  Boston 
from  the  eastern  coast,  in  the  province  sloop,  commanded  by 
Capt.  Thomas  Saunders,  but  in  what  capacity  is  not  ascertained. 

Agreeably  to  the  promise  of  Gov.  Shirley,  commissioners  on 
the  part  of  Massachusetts  and  New  Hampshire  met  the  Indians 
at  Falmouth  on  the  14th  of  October.  From  the  former  pro- 
vince were  Thomas  Hutchinson,  John  Choate,  Israel  Williams, 
and  James  Otis  (the  father  of  the  famous  James  Otis,  who  was 
also  there),  Esqrs.  From  the  latter,  Theodore  Atkinson,  and 
John  Downing,  Esqrs. 

The  Norridgewaks  were  represented  by  six  chiefs,  viz, 
Toxus,  Eneas,  Magawambee,  Harrey,  Soosephinia,  Naktoonos, 
Nesaqumbuit,  and  Pereez. 

The  Penobscots  by  five  chiefs,  viz,  Eger  Emmet,  Maga- 
numba,  Nidlumbouit,  Esparagoosaret,  and  Neemon. 

The  Weweenocks  and  Arresuguntoocooks  by  six  chiefs,  viz, 
Sawwaramet,  Aussaado,  Waaununga,  Sauquish,  Wareedeon, 
and  Wawawnunka. 

The  usual  articles  were  drawn  up  a  .d  subscribed  October 
1 6th,  1749.  These  were  mainly  confirmatory  of  Gov.  Dum- 
mer's  treaty  of  1727.  And  on  the  27th  of  the  same  month 
Lieut. -Gov.  Phips  issued  a  proclamation  in  conformity  there- 
with, at  Boston. 

Peace  was  now  fully  established,  and  the  people  felt  relieved 
from  the  perils  to  which  they  had  for  the  last  five  years  been 
subje6ted. 
'  At  the  late  treaty,  and  before  it  'vas  fully  opened,  an  inci- 
dent occurred  which  for  some  little  time  seemed  to  portend  a 
disagreeable  rupture  to  further  proceedings.     It  may  be  well  to 


i 


,...-« I- ...J 


llitiiHini.i  III  li'ii)*i«rii«it  til    I  '  iillH>i>fa|l»l>IM 


1 749-] 


treaty  at  St.  George's, 


177 


premise  that  Indians  delight  in  innocent  mischief.  It  appear? 
to  have  been  a  sine  qua  non  in  the  preliminaries  to  this  treaty, 
that  the  Indians  should  bring  forward  and  deliver  up  the  English 
captives  among  them.  The  following  circumstance  in  rela- 
tion to  this  matter  is  detailed  by  Gov.  Hutchinson,  then  one  of 
the  commissioners  there  present.  It  therefore  follows  in  his 
own  words:  "Notice  had  been  given  that  they  must  bring  in 
such  English  captives  as  were  among  them,  and  particularly  a 
boy  whose  name  was  Macfarlane,  and  who  was  taken  in  the 
beginning  of  the  war.  They  apologized  for  not  bringing  Mac- 
farlane, and  feigned  some  excuse,  promising  he  should  be  sent 
when  they  returned  home.  The  commissioners  showed  great 
resentment,  and  insisted  upon  the  delivery  of  the  captive  pre- 
viously to  their  entering  upon  the  treaty.  Some  time  was  spent 
in  altercation.  At  length  an  old  sachem  rose  up,  and  took  one 
of  the  likeliest  and  best  dressed  young  Indians  by  the  hand,  and 
presented  him  to  Mr.  Hutchinson,  the  chairman  of  the  com- 
missioners, as  the  captive  Macfarlane.  This  increased  the 
resentment,  and  it  was  thought  too  serious  an  affair  to  be  [thus] 
jested  with.  The  young  man  then  discovered  himself,  and 
(having  spoken  nothing  before  but  Indian),  in  the  English 
language  thanked  the  commissioners  for  their  kind  care  in  pro- 
curing his  redemption.  He  had  so  much  the  appearance  of  an 
Indian,  not  only  in  his  dress,  but  in  his  behavior,  and  also  his 
complexion,  that  nobody  had  any  suspicion  to  the  contrary. 
He  had  made  himself  perfectly  acquainted  with  their  language, 
and  proved  serviceable  as  an  interpreter  at  the  French  house  so 
long  as  he  lived." 

The  boy  Macfarlane  is  probably  the  same  Waltar  McFar- 
iand  "jvho^  in  1752,  was  one  of  the  witnesses  to  the  treaty  of 
that  year,  made  at  St.  George's.     Whether  he  were  a  son,  or 


•   n-'iiii  niin'ri  II  iti'"ir-    i' 
I  «i i»ii.i^4iiiniiili.i 


„iU. 


178 


Exchange  of  Prisoners. 


[1750. 


-■^I'Wi 


belonged  to  the  family  of  Mr.  John  McFarland,  of  whom 
mention  has  been  made  under  Aug.  26,  1746,  is  as  yet  uncertain. 

After  the  close  of  hostilities  there  was  much  to  be  done. 
Many  of  the  English,  Dutch,  friendly  Indians,  and  negroes 
were  still  in  captivity,  or  whose  fate  was  unknown  to  their 
friends.  Consequently  it  was  the  desire  as  well  as  the  duty  of 
the  government  to  use  efforts  to  recover  such  as  were  yet 
living  and  held  by  the  Indians.  Accordingly  commissioners  or 
agents  were  sent  to  Canada  early  in  1750  to  endeavor  to  bring 
from  that  country  all  that  could  be  obtained.  They  found  some 
of  the  captives  indisposed  to  return,  having  become  attached  to 
the  manner  of  life  of  their  Indian  masters,  and  some  of  them 
thoroughly  imbued  with  the  Roman  Catholic  religion ;  others 
refused  to  return  to  their  native  land,  alleging  as  a  reason  that 
they  would  be  obliged  to  labor  a  long  time  to  raise  the  money 
paid  for  their  ransom ;  that  now  they  had  their  liberty  and  could 
do  as  they  listed. 

In  the  month  of  June,  1750,  Gov.  Clinton,  of  New  York, 
sent  Lieut.  B.  Stoddert  to  Montreal,  where  he  met  the  French 
authorities,  from  whom  he  received  twenty-four  prisoners.  He 
learned  the  whereabouts  of  many  others,  and  with  Captain 
Anthony  Van  Schaick  went  into  the  Indian  country  to  obtain 
them,  but  without  much  success.  The  names  of  those  which 
returned  with  Lieut.  Stoddert  were  as  follows :  Capt.  Anthony 
Van  Schaick,  John  Vroman,  Peter  Vosborough,  William  Gofi^, 
Christopher  McGraw,  John  Philips,  Edward  Varen,  Benjamin 
Blachford,  Peter  Cliniton,  John  Thompson,  Daniel  Eden, 
Albert  Vedder,  Adam  Mole,  Francis  Conner,  Cornelius  Sprong, 
Elisha  Stansbury,  Timothy  Colbe,  Southerland  Fort,  Timothy 
Colson,  Peter  Dogaman,  Mattee  Gatroup,  and  three  Mohawks. 

Efforts  were  made  to  induce  others,  of  whom  he  had  informa- 


■asLi 


I750.] 


Search  for  Captives. 


179 


tion,  to  return,  but  could  not  prevail  on  them.  The  following  is 
a  list  of  them :  Rachel  Quackenbus ;  Samue!  Frement,  a  ne- 
gro; Simon  Vort,  Philip  Philipson,  Thomas  Volmer,  Jacob 
Suitzer,  Jacob  Volmer,  Joshua  Nicolson,  Henry  Piper,  Christian 

Volmer,  John*  [ ],  Edward  Cheaole,  and  an  old  man  whose 

name  is  not  known.  He  was  away  on  a  hunting  expedition  with 
the  Hurons  of  Lorette,  and  it  was  not  known  whether  he  desired 
to  return  to  New  England ;  if,  on  coming  from  hunting,  he 
wished  to  go  to  his  former  friends,  he  should  be  at  liberty  to  do 
so.  Rachel  Quackenbush  f  abjured  the  English  religion,  and 
Lieut.  Stoddert  could  not  persuade  her  to  return.  The  negro, 
Frement,  was  held  on  the  principle  that  negroes  were  slaves  in 
all  countries,  and  that  the  English  had  adted  upon  that  princi- 
ple, and  an  instance  was  given  wherein  they  had  so  adted. 
Vort,  Phillipson,  and  T.  Volmer  had  made  abjuration,  and 
desired  to  remain  with  the  Iroquois.  Vort,  or  as  his  name 
is  elsewhere  written.  Fort,  belonged  by  adoption  to  a  sister 
of  a  chief  named  Agouareche.  She  refused  to  give  him  up 
at  any  price,  though  it  does  not  appear  that  Stoddert  was 
provided  with  any  means  for  paying  a  ransom,  as  his  instructions 
were  only  to  exchange  prisoners.  But  Capt.  Van  Schaick 
offered  six  hundred  livres  for  Fort  without  succeeding  in  obtain- 
ing him.  On  the  contrary,  so  determined  was  his  squaw  owner 
to  retain  him,  that  she  said  she  would  obey  the  French  com- 
mandant and  deliver  him   up,  but  that  she  and  her  husband 


*  His  surname  does  not  appear  in  our 
documents,  though  they  inform  us  he  was 
an  Englishman  by  birth,  and  that  he  was 
captured  near  Caskebee  [Casca  Bay]  in 
1746. 

f  Another  (whether  of  the  same  family 
is  unknown)  Marthy  H^uaquinhuih,  taken 


at  Saratoga,  Nov.  17th,  1745,  ^^^^  * 
prisoner  at  Quebec,  Dec.  7th,  1746. 
Two  men  of  the  same  surname,  Jacob 
and  Isaac,  father  and  son,  died  there, 
both  on  the  same  day.  May  26th,  1747. 
They  also  had  been  taken  at  Saratoga, 
Nov.  17th,  1745. 


y:  i 


:(' 


X 

if! 


r 


i8o 


Efforts  for  Captives. 


[1750. 


would  follow  him,  and  he  should  not  reach  home  alive.  The 
authorities  therefore  thought  it  best  not  to  urge  the  matter 
further.  Suitzer  was  living  at  the  Falls  of  St.  Louis,  and  did 
not  desire  to  leave  hjs  Indian  associates.  J.  Volmer,  Nicolson, 
and  Piper,  were  at  the  Lake  of  the  Two  Mountains,  with  the 
Iroquois  and  Nipissings.  These  Indians  refused  to  give  them 
up,  because  "they  loved  them  very  much."  Nicolson  was  dis- 
posed to  leave  them,  but  was  not  permitted  to  do  so.  C.  Vol- 
mer was  at  the  Lake  of  the  Two  Mountains,  and  when  he 
returned  to  Montreal  he  was  to  be  allowed  to  go  home  if  he 

inclined  to  do  so.     The  captive  John  [ ]  lived  with  the  St. 

Francis  Indians,  by  one  of  whom  he  was  captured.  John 
refused  to  be  delivered  up,  and  Lieut.  Stoddert,  who  under- 
stood the  Indian  language,  visited  him  and  tried  to  persuade  him 
to  go  home  with  him,  but  without  avail;  said  "he  had  been 
instrufted  in  the  Catholic,  apostolic,  and  Roman  religion,  in 
which  he  wished  to  live  and  die."  Edward  Cheaole  had  mar- 
ried a  s^/iaw  among  the  Lorette  Hurons,  and  desired  to  remain 
with  them. 

Lieut.  Stoddert  left  Canada  on  the  28th  of  June  with  his 
twenty-four  prisoners.  He  was  to  proceed  to  Fort  St.  Frederic, 
having  given  the  Marquis  de  la  Jonquiere  a  receipt  for  them, 
purporting  that  he  was  to  send  to  the  governor  of  New  York, 
requesting  him  to  forward  "all  the  prisoners,  both  French  and 
Indians,  in  his  hands,  to  Mr.  Lydieus,  and  give  orders  to  the 
officer  who  shall  have  charge  of  them  to  send  me  an  express 
on  their  arrival  at  that  place,  to  inform  me  thereof,  and  to  tarry 
one  day,  so  that  they  may  be  exchanged,  one  against  another, 
at  the  foot  of  the  Great  Carrying  Place  of  Lake  St.  Sacrament, 
whither  I  will  repair  in  order  to  conclude  the  reciprocal 
exchange  of  the  French  and  English  prisoners."*    > 

*  Colonial  Hiitory  of  New  Tort,  vol.  X,  Z09-15. 


-**SI'^W«*(I.tt:»^ 


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,yi^i'i,tiiit,i>ai<;iiMaiai'ft.i. 


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APPENDIX    A 


(Page  29.) 


O  those  who  have  accused  Gov.  Shirley  of  taking 
to  himself  more  credit  than  belonged  to  him  in  the 
Cape  Breton  expedition,  the  perusal  of  his  mes- 
sages to  the  General  Court,  from  first  to  last,  during 
it,  is  earnestly  commended.  Space  cannot  be  allowed  here  for 
all  of  them,  but  the  following  are  fair  specimens  of  the  whole. 
They  are  elegant  compositions,  and  will  compare  favorably  with 
the  best  parliamentary  speeches  of  the  time ;  and  as  to  their 
accuracy  in  statements  of  fa6ls,  there  can  be  no  space  for  a 
question. 

On  April  3d,  1745,  Gov.  Shirley  made  the  following  com- 
munication to  the  *'  Gentlemen  of  the  Council  and  House  of 
Representatives :  In  pursuance  of  the  resolution  of  this  Court 
for  forming  an  expedition  against  the  French  settlements  on 
Cape  Breton,  passed  the  25th  of  January  last,  which  is  agreea- 
ble to  His  Majesty's  pleasure  signified  to  me  upon  the  present 
rupture  with  France,  'That  I  should  take  all  opportunities,  as 
depended  upon  me,  to  distress  and  annoy  the  French  in  their 
settlements,  trade  and  commerce.'  I  have  raised  three  thou- 
sand volunteers,  under  proper  officers  to  be  employed  in  His 
Majesty's  service  upon  that  expedition,  two  thousand  eight 
hundred  of  which  by  the  24th  day  of  last  month,  and  the 
remainder  within  two  days  after  were  embarked,  and  sailed  for 
Canso,  where  they  weie  to  be  joined  with  three  hundred  and 


l82 


Gov.  Shirley's  Speech.  [Appendix. 


:'il, 


'] 


1  : 


fifty  troops  more,  raised  by  the  government  of  New  Hampshire 
for  the  same  service,  upon  my  application  to  Gov.  Wentworth, 
and  to  proceed  from  thence  by  the  first  favorable  opportunity  to 
Chappeaurouge  Bay,  to  which  place  I  expert  they  will  be  fol- 
lowed some  time  this  week  by  five  hundred  troops  more  from 
Connecticut,  raised  likewise  for  the  same  service  by  that 
government,  upon  my  application  to  them.  And  after  the  most 
diligent  and  exa£l  inquiry  into  the  state  of  the  enemy's  forces 
and  fortifications  upon  that  island,  from  persons  intimately 
acquainted  with  both,  I  have  endeavored  to  form  such  a  plan 
of  operations  to  be  executed  immediately  upon  the  landing  of 
our  troops  there,  as  may,  I  hope,  with  the  blessing  of  Divine 
Providence  upon  His  Majesty's  arms,  render  our  attempts 
against  the  enemy  under  their  present  circumstances,  success- 
ful, provided  our  naval  forces  shall  prove  sufficient  to  hinder 
them  from  being  reinforced  in  the  meantime  with  recruits  and 
supplies  from  France.  For  preventing  which,  as  well  as  to 
cut  off  all  intelligence  from  the  enemy,  and  intercept  any  pro- 
vision vessels  which  might  arrive  to  them  from  other  parts,  I 
sent  away,  near  three  weeks  ago,  three  ships  of  twenty  guns 
each,  two  snows  of  sixteen  guns,  and  an  armed  brigantine 
of  near  the  same  force  (which,  together  with  some  other  ves- 
sels of  war,  are  employed  by  this  government  in  the  service  of 
the  present  expedition)  well  manned  and  equipped,  with  orders 
to  cruise  before  the  harbor  of  Louisbourg  till  the  arrival  of 
our  land  forces  at  Cape  Breton,  after  which  those  vessels  will 
be  immediately  joined  by  Captain  Rouse  in  a  snow  of  twenty- 
four  guns,  and  the  Connefticut  colony  sloop,  in  order  to  block 
up  the  enemy's  harbor  more  closely.  And  that  I  might  pro- 
cure as  strong  an  armament  by  sea  as  well  as  land,  as  may  be 
upon  this  occasion,   I   not  only   applied   to   the   neighboring 


Appendix.] 


Gov.  Shirley's  Speech. 


183 


governments  of  New  England,  New  York,  the  Jersies  and 
Pennsylvania  to  furnish  their  respective  quotas  of  sea  as  well 
as  land  forces  for  this  enterprise  in  the  common  cause,  but  to 
the  commanders  of  His  Majesty's  ships  of  war  stationed  in 
these  parts  for  their  assistance  also,  as  far  as  His  Majesty's 
service  in  their  several  stations  would  admit ;  and  particularly 
apprised  Commodore  Warren  by  an  express  sent  to  Antigua, 
of  the  whole  scheme  of  the  expedition,  representing  to  him  the 
advantages  we  have  over  the  enemy  at  present ;  and  that  for 
securing  the  success  against  them,  'it  was  necessary  that  we 
should  have  a  sufficient  naval  force  before  the  harbor  of  Louis- 
bourg  by  the  middle  of  March  at  farthest  (if  possible),  not  only 
to  intercept  the  enemy's  provision  vessels,  but  Monsieur  Du 
Vivier,  who  was  expected  by  that  time  with  recruits  and  sup- 
plies for  the  enemy's  garrison,  and. perhaps  some  troops  designed 
against  Annapolis  Royal,  under  convoy  of  a  fifty-four  and  sixty 
gun  ship}  the  intercepting  of  which  would  be  a  killing  blow  to 
the  town  and  garrison  of  Louisbourg  ;  but  that  it  would  be 
impossible  for  us  to  muster  up  here  a  sufficient  naval  force  for 
that  purpose  without  the  assistance  of  two  fifty  or  forty  gun 
ships;'  and  therefore  pressing  him  in  the  strongest  terms, 'if 
he  could  possibly  spare  two  such  from  the  squadron  under  his 
command,  to  dispatch  them  away  instantly  upon  the  receipt  of 
my  express ;  and  that  if  he  could  not  spare  two  such  ships,  he 
would  assist  us  with  one,  which  might,  perhaps,  be  sufficient, 
as  I  was  in  hopes  from  advice  I  received  from  England,  that 
one,  if  not  two,  of  His  Majesty's  ships  of  war  might  be  ex- 
pefted  to  arrive  here  with  stores  for  New  Hampshire  and  An- 
napolis Royal  by  the  middle  of  March,  though  I  could  make 
no  absolute  dependence  upon  that.'  And  as  His  Majesty's  ship 
the  Bien  Amie  prize.  Captain  Grayton  commander,  then  and 


1 84 


Gov,  Shirley's   Speech.  Appendix.] 


1  i  I ' 


'li  J:-f;- 


!-  ■•   .I--].; 


; 


still  in  this  harbor,  and  which  I  understood  was  sent  here,  partly 
to  load  with  masts  oi  such  dimensions  as  could  not  be  got 
ready  before  the  latter  end  of  June,  'I  desired  that  we  might 
have  the  assistance  of  that  ship  for  the  expedition,  or  Mr. 
Warren's  orders  to  His  Majesty's  ships  stationed  at  Virginia, 
for  that  purpose  ; '  and  requesting  that  what  ships  he  sent  us 
might  proceed  diredtly  to  Canso ;  for  which  purpose  I  sent  him 
two  skillful  pilots,  and  apprising  him  that  I  should  send  His 
Majesty  an  account  of  the  expedition  by  a  Bristol  vessel  the 
day  following.  In  answer  to  this  letter  I  received  another  from 
Mr.  Warren,  dated  February  24th,  by  return  of  the  express 
boat,  which  arrived  at  Boston  the  19th  of  last  March,  wherein 
he  informed  me,  that  'he  should  be  very  glad  to  be  employed 
in  this  expedition,  but  that  the;  unhappy  loss  of  the  Weymouth,* 
in  which  ship  he  should  have  come  here  some  time  in  March, 
pursuant  to  his  orders  to  attend  on  New  England,  had  prevented 
him ;  that  he  had  sent  my  letters  and  scheme  by  a  vessel  of 
war  express  to  the  Admiralty,  by  the  return  of  which  to  An- 
tigua he  should,  no  doubt,  receive  full  instructions  for  his  future 
proceedings ;  and  that  in  the  mean  time  he  should,  in  a  very 
few  days,  dispatch  the  Launceston  to  attend  on  New  England, 
and  the  Mermaid  to  New  York,  pursuant  to  his  dirediions  from 
the  Rt.  Hon.  the  Lords  Commissioners  of  the  Admiralty.' 
And  by  the  same  express  boat  Capt.  Gayton  received  orders 
from  Com.  Knowles,  which  have  prevented  him  from  assisting 
us  with  his  ship  in  the  expedition.  Since  this  (five  days  ago)  I 
have  received  two  other  letters  from  Mr.  Warren,  dated  the 


*  She  was  a  sixty  gun  ship,  Captain  pilot,  as  appeared  by  the  evidence  at  a 
Warwick  Calmady,  cast  away  at  the  Lee-  court-martial,  for  which  he  was  sentenced 
ward  Islands  in  1744,  having  been  run  to  two  years'  imprisonment  in  the  Mar- 
aground    through    the    ignorance  of  the  shalsea.     The  crew  were  saved.   Ed. 


mm 


^^g||gg»lll||, 


Apfendix]  Gov.  Shirley*s  Speech. 


185 


9th  and  15th  of  last  month  ;  the  first  at  Antigua,  and  the  lat- 
ter from  on  board  the  Superbe,  informing  me  ^that  on  the  8th 
of  last  month  His  Majesty's  sloop  Hind  arrived  at  Antigua,  and 
brought  him  orders  to  proceed  with  the  Superbe,  Launceston, 
and  Mermaid,  without  loss  of  time,  to  Boston  ;  on  his  passage 
to  which  place  he  was  at  the  writing  of  his  last  letter,  in  the 
latitude  of  22°  \  and  that  he  hoped  soon  to  arrive  at  Nantasket 
road,  and  concert  such  measures  with  me  as  may  conduce  most 
to  the  protection  df  the  colonies  and  trade,  and  the  carrying  on 
of  His  Majesty's  service  in  general.'  Upon  the  receipt  of 
which  I  dispatched  a  letter  by  a  schooner  sent  express  to  meet 
him,  apprising  him  of  the  departure  and  state  of  our  land  and 
sea  forces,  and  recommending  to  him  to  send  one  of  his  ships 
at  least  forthwith  before  Louisbourg,  to  join  our  cruisers  there, 
without  coming  first  to  Nantasket,  which  I  apprehend  to  be  of 
great  consequence  to  His  Majesty's  service.  And  I  am  now 
in  hourly  expediation  of  hearing  further  of  Mr.  Warren,  and 
the  ships  under  his  command,  and  hope  they  may  come  in  time 
to  secure  success  to  the  present  expedition,  which,  according  to 
the  ordinary  course  of  human  events,  may  be  looked  on  as  most 
probable,  if  these  ships  shall  arrive  seasonably  before  Louisbourg. 
*'  Gentlemen :  As  I  am  persuaded  it  must  be  a  satisfaction  to 
you  to  be  informed  of  these  several  steps  hitherto  taken  for  con- 
du(^ing  this  important  enterprise,  with  the  success  of  them,  I 
have  been  induced  to  be  the  more  particular  in  my  account  of 
the  success  of  my  endeavors  for  procuring  a  sufficient  naval 
force  for  the  service  of  it.  And  I  may  assure  you  that  no 
vigilance  or  attention  has  or  shall  be  wanting  in  me  to  make  the 
other  necessary  dispositions  for  the  support  of  it  with  all  possible 
dispatch,  and  to  make  the  event  of  it  answer  the  great  ends 
proposed  by  it  for  His  Majesty's  service,  and  the  general  inter- 


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Gov.  Shirley's  Speech,  [Appendix. 


ests  of  his  British  dominions,  as  well  as  the  particular  interests 
of  New  England,  and  the  other  British  colonies  on  this  con- 
tinent, and  to  provide  a  safe  retreat  for  our  forces  on  any 
extraordinary  emergency  that  may  require  it.  In  the  meantime 
it  must  afford  you  the  highest  satisfa£tion  to  observe  the  par- 
ticular regard  which  His  Majesty's  ministers  have  shown  for  the 
protection  of  these  colonies  by  their  beforementioned  orders  to 
Commodore  Warren,  and  the  warm  assurances  I  received  from 
His  Majesty's  governors  in  the  colonies  of  New  York,  the 
Jersies,  and  Pennsylvania,  of  their  most  hearty  endeavors  to 
engage  the  colonies  under  their  respedive  governments  in  the 
support  of  the  common  cause  upon  this  occasion,  have  given 
me  great  encouragement  to  proceed  in  the  expedition,  towards 
securing  the  success  whereof  I  immediately  received  from  Gov. 
Clinton,  upon  my  request  to  him  for  that  purpose,  a  considera- 
ble train  of  artillery,  without  which  we  could  not  have  had  the 
same  prospect  of  reducing  the  island  as  we  now  have. 


1 1 .4^ 


ppp 


'<>•  v  '  '  '■■■■■^im^mipi^i 


;iv  V    APPENDIX    B. 

(Page  69.)  /  '         "    . 

[ROBABLY  no  publication  so  well  lays  open  the 
stare  of  public  feeling,  and  the  actual  state  of  the 
country,  at  and  prior  to  the  Cape  Breton  expedi- 
tion, than  is  exhibited  in  the  Sermon  of  Rev. 
Thomas  Prince,  preached  in  the  Old  South  Meetinghouse  in 
Boston,  on  a  Thanksgiving,  appointed  for  that  occasion,  just 
one  month  and  one  day  after  the  surrender  of  Louisbourg. 
That  performance  is  thus  entitled  :  **  Extraordinary  Events  the 
Doings  of  God,  and  marvellous  in  Pious  Eyes. —  Illustrated  in  a 
SERMON  on  the  General  Thanksgiving,  Thursday,  July 
18,  1745.  Occasioned  by  taking  the  City  of  Louisbourg  on  the 
Isle  of  Cape  Breton.^  by  New  England  Soldiers,  assisted  by  a 
British  Squadron.  Psal.  xcviii.  O  sing  unto  the  Lord  a  new 
Song,  [etc.]  BOSTON :  Printed  for  D.  Henchman  in 
Cornhill.     1745." 

The  Dedication  follows  entire:*  "To  His  Excellency 
William  Shirley,  Esqj  Captain  General  and  Governour  in 
Chief  in  and  over  His  Majesty's  Province  of  the  Massachu- 
setts Bay  in  New  England^  and  Vice  Admiral  of  the  same  : 
Your  Excellency  being,  under  the  Divine  Conduct,  the  principal 
Former  and  Promoter  of  the  prosperous  Expedition  to  Cape  Bre- 
ton ;  of  such  vast  Importance  to  the  Trade,  Wealth,  and  Power 
of  Great  Britain,  as  well  as  Safety  of  Her  American  Colonies  ; 
and  so  much  to  the  Glory  wherewith  GOD  has  crowned  His 

*  Capitalised  and  italicised  according  to  the  original. 


'^»  m  iiwi^wpurr^ii"'" 


1 88  Taking  of  Louisbourg.  [Appendix. 

Majesty's  happy  Reign  :  The  following  Sermon  is,  in  Grati- 
tude and  Justice,  with  all  Submission,  Dedicated  by  your 
Excellency's  Most  obliged^  Obedient  Humble  Servant^ 

■    "Thomas  Prince." 


After  a  philosophical  introdu£lIon,  in  which  the  author  hints 
at  the  influences  of  good  angels  and  bad  angels  on  the  a£l:ions 
of  men,  and  gives  Satan  a  recognition  in  the  management  of 
affairs,  he  proceeds  :  "  But  we  must  hasten  on  to  Apply  these 
things,  in  pursuance  of  our  first  design,  to  the  great  and  extra- 
ordinary occasion  of  this  happy  Solemnity :  A  surprising  course 
of  Providence  has  led  us  into  a  most  adventurous  enterprise 
against  the  French  settlements  at  Cape  Breton,  and  their  exceed- 
ing strong  city  of  Louisbourg,  for  warlike  power  the  pride  and 
terror  of  these  northean  seas  ;  and  by  a  wonderous  series  and 
happy  coincidences  of  various  means,  delivered  them  into  our 
hands.  And  this  in  a  most  signal  manner,  is  the  Lord's  doings 
in  the  present  day  ;  and  is  truly  marvellous  in  every  pious,  yea, 
I  may  say,  in  every  unprejudiced  and  considerate  eye. 

"  The  island  belonged  originally  to  the  British  empire :  *  was 
at  first  comprised  in  the  general  name  and  grand  patent  of  New 
England  in  1620 ;  but  in  the  following  year  set  ofFand  included 
in  Nova  Scotia  by  a  separate  patent ;  and  since,  in  Nova  Scotia 
comprehended  in  the  royal  charter  of  the  Massachusetts  pro- 
vince in  1 69 1.     It  abounds  in  the  best  of  pit  coal  known  in 


*  Assuming  that  the  English  first  dis- 
covered it,  which  the  French  never  ad- 
mitted. "  Or  [the  English]  pretend 
que  les  Cabots  reconnurent  I'lsle  de  Terre 
Neuve  ....  cependant  de  bons  auteurs 
assuri  qu'ils  n'avoient  debarque  en  aucun 
endroit,"  tt  ctt.   CJkarltveix,  II,  ix.    Ed. 


See  also  Lahontan  Ntuveaux  Voyagti,  II, 
7,  who  says  :  "  II  y  a  plus  d'un  siecle 
et  demi  que  le  Canada  a  etc  decouverte ) 
Jean  Verasan  sut  le  premier  qui  le  di..d- 
vrit,  mais  i  son  malheur,  en  les  sauvagat 
le  mangerent."  Edition  la  Haye,  1705, 
page  7,  vol.  II.     Edittr, 


■M 


mmm 


lilii" 


^mm 


Appendix.]  Taking  of  Loutsbourg. 


189 


America ;  and  so  near  the  surface  of  the  earth  and  coast  of  the 
sea,  as  to  be  very  easily  dug  and  put  in  vessels.  Yea,  from 
1703,  Lahontan  had  told  us*  of  the  French  ships  loading  with 
and  carrying  the  same  to  Guadaloupe  and  Martinico,  for  the 
refining  of  sugars,  to  their  great  advantage.  And  its  commo- 
dious harbors ;  with  its  happy  situation  in  the  center  of  our 
fishery,  at  the  entrance  of  the  bay  and  river  of  Canada,  and  in 
the  wake  of  all  the  trade  from  Europe  to  the  British  colonies 
on  the  main  land,  of  [North]  America,  and  both  from  them 
and  our  West  India  Islands  to  Europe,  rendered  the  place  of 
such  vast  importance."  f 

It  will  be  very  difficult  for  the  casual  reader  of  the  present 
day  to  have  even  a  slight  appreciation  of  the  situation  in  which 
our  fathers  saw  themselves  at  the  period  of  this  French  war. 
The  resources  of  their  immediate  country  had  scarcely  begun 
to  be  known  ;  coal  had  not  been  discovered,  and  although  the 
abundance  of  wood  rendered  it  almost  useless,  yet  they  doubt- 
less looked  forward  to  a  time  when  coal  would  be  of  conse- 
quence, as  it  had  long  been  in  England  and  other  parts  of 
Europe.  To  look  upon  Nova  Scotia  as  a  central  position  to  the 
country  in  our  time  would  excite  a  smile.  But  at  that  period 
the  country  to  the  westward  of  Boston  was  mostly  a  wilderness. 


*  This  reference  to  Lahontan  it  not 
very  intelligible.  The  author  probably 
meant  htfort  1703,  inttead  of  from  1703. 
Editor. 

|-  "I  remember  while  in  England, 
when  we  came  to  know  the  Tory  Minis- 
try had  by  the  treaty  of  Utrecht  in  171 3, 
resigned  it  to  the  French,  all  true-hearted 
Britons  who  knew  the  circumstance  of 
the  island,  most  grievously  lamented  the 
resignation,  as  full  of  teeming  mischief 


to  the  British  trade,  wealth,  and  power, 
and  as  one  of  the  most  fatal  a£h  of  that 
unhappy  ministry."  Prince.  Up  to  this 
period  much  had  been  written  on  "  The 
Importance  of  Cape  Breton  ;  "  that  the 
French  annually  employed  1,000  vessels 
in  the  fishery,  of  200  to  400  tons,  and 
10,000  men ;  curing  5,000,000  quintals 
of  fish.  In  1730  they  carried  to  Mar- 
seilles alone,  2,200,000  quintals.  Amir. 
Magawnt,  II,  216.     Ed, 


B^^^W 

™_T—               -      . 

'  J  1 

■  •'  i 

1 

;      I    i 

i 

i 
1 

ft 


fi  i 


i  rl 


^^•^  ! 


190 


Takintr  of  Louisbourg.  [Appendix. 


New  York  was  of  small  account,  and  places  further  westward 
amounted  to  very  little,  and  were  almost  entirely  confined  to 
the  mouths  of  rivers  upon  the  sea  coast.  The  West,  the 
Great  West  was  practically  unknown. 

"  The  French  well  knowing  the  vast  advantage  of  their 
acquisition,  have  built  a  walled  city  on  the  most  convenient  port 
both  for  trade  and  fortification ;  for  these  thirty  years  been 
adding  to  its  natural  and  artificial  strength  ;  and  by  immense 
sums  and  the  utmost  art  and  dilligence,  made  it  one  of  the 
strongest  fortresses  in  America,  if  not  in  Europe ;  such  as  was 
not  like  to  be  taken  without  a  very  powerful,  skillful  and  reso> 
lute  army  both  by  sea  and  land,  or  being  starved  to  a  surrender. 
In  short,  it  was  the  Dunkirk  of  North  America,  and  in  some 
respei^s  of  greater  importance. 

"  For,  by  means  of  this  island  and  fortification,  the  French 
have  every  year  enlarged  their  fishery,  and  thereby  their  trade, 
wealth  and  shipping  ;  and  by  fishing  cheaper  than  we,  they  have 
moie  and  more  commanded  the  trade  of  Spain,  Portugal,  and 
Italy  }  drawn  away  their  gold  and  silver,  and  greatly  diminished 
our  trade  and  fishery,  a  principal  source  both  of  the  British 
wealth  and  naval  power. 

**  So  pernicious  a  settlement  was  this,  that  for  above  these 
twenty  years,  it  has  seemed  to  me,  it  were  wortn  the  while  to 
engage  in  a  war  with  France,  if  it  were  for  nothing  else  but  to 
recover  this  most   important    island   to   the    British    empire.* 


*  ThU  wai  a  rather  hard  philoiophy, 
ill  view  of  iti  source.  It  is  the  same  at 
though  a  man,  having  so'  i  an  article  at 
too  low  a  price,  should  knock  down  the 
purchaser,  take  the  commodity  sold  and 
make  otF  with  it !  As  old  Thomas  Ful- 
ler would  say,  "This  might  do  in  sea 


divinity,  but  justice  is  quite  another 
thing."  If  Queen  Anne's  ministers 
made  a  foolish  bargain,  it  it  a  sorry  argu- 
ment to  base  a  murderous  war  upon.  It 
is  the  argument  made  use  of  by  small 
boys  about  their  playthings.  It  certainly 
comes  with  bad  grace  from  our  author.  Ed. 


\''^ 


■  Liiiii  lin^gl  jinW^tirB 


Appendix.]  Taking  of  Louisbourg. 


191 


Though  a  war  was  dreadful,  the  necessity  and  hazard  seemed 
every  year  to  increase ;  the  longer  it  was  deferred,  the  more 
powerful  and  dangerous  they  grew,  and  the  less  our  hope  of 
their  being  ever  reduced.  ? 

**  At  length,  without  our  seeking,  and  in  the  most  critical 
time,  the  Lord  was  pleased  to  leave  them  to  precipitate  a  war 
upon  us.  An  unexpedted  season  opens  to  make  the  dangerous 
trial,  if  the  Almighty  would  please  to  prosper  us.  And  now 
all  the  northern  colonies,  and  ours  especially,  began  to  feel  their 
destruAive  power  and  influence.  In  a  few  months'  time  infest- 
ing our  coasts,  taking  our  shipping,  ruining  our  fishery  and  trade, 
destroying  Canso,  invading  Annapolis,  reducing  us  to  straits, 
and  carrying  our  people  into  a  place  almost  impregnable. 
[Louisbourg  ]  And  as  it  was  a  source  of  privateers  and  men 
of  war  distressing  to  us,  it  was  also  a  safe  resort  both  of  their 
West  and  East  India  fleets,  to  their  great  advantage  in  return- 
ing homeward.  Of  such  vast  importance  was  this  strong  port 
of  our  enemies ;  and  this  possessed  by  one  of  the  most  enter- 
prising, powerful,  and  a£tive  nations. 

**  But  in  the  wisdom  of  God,  the  stronger  it  grew,  the  better 
in  the  issue  for  us.  The  French  having  built  a  regular  city, 
and  laid  out  immensely  more  to  render  it  both  strong  and  com- 
modious, than  we  should,  if  the  place  had  been  in  our  power. 
Yea,  it  seems  most  likely,  that  if  they  had  not  possessed  it, 
there  would  neither  have  been  a  battery,  nor  even  a  house  in 
the  port  to  this  day  }  *  no  more  than  in  many  fine  harbors  of 


■4-'', 


*  Had   the   author   written  this  at'a  been  anything  but  the  residence  of  a  few 

much  later  period,  he  could   not   have  fiahermen  with  some  farms  of  little  im- 

made  a  truer  prediftion.      After  it   fell  portance.     See    Parsons 's   Lift   of    Pef>- 

into  the  hands  of  the   English  in  1758,  perrell,  332,  333.     See  also  Halliburton's 

it  was  demolished,  and  has  never  since  Hitt.  Nova  Scotia,  II,  ai4-zi8.     Ed. 


m 


i_i_^ 


iiiii 


:;== 


-*■■■■<>— ^■.4w« 


V  ,  !>  I 


l;^l  im 


192 


Taking  of  Louisbourg.  [Appendix. 


Nova  Scotia  ;  which  though  so  near  the  fishery,  have  been 
negle£ted  by  us  for  so  many  years,  from  the  peace  of  Utrecht. 
But  now,  in  a  few  weeks'  time,  the  sovereign  God  has  pleased 
to  give  us  the  fruits  of  these  thirty  years'  prodigious  art,  labor, 
and  expense  of  our  enemies ;  and  this  by  means  of  so  small  a 
number,  less  than  four  thousand  land  men,  unused  to  war, 
undisciplined,  and  that  had  never  seen  a  siege  in  their  lives. 

"  Let  us  therefore  look  into  the  wondrous  scenes  of  provi- 
dence, and  see  some  of  the  various  and  surprising  steps  which 
led  to  the  happy  acquisition:  i.  Our  enemies,  being  left  of 
God,  in  opposition  to  all  rules  of  policy,  but  in  too  early  con- 
fidence of  their  sufficient  growth  of  power,  while  engaged  with 
the  queen  of  Hungary,  to  hurry  into  a  war  with  us  \  while  their 
trading  ships  were  mostly  abroad,  their  navy  not  so  well  pre- 
pared, and  ours  by  the  previous  war  with  Spain,  equipped  and 
ready  to  employ  its  power  for  our  defense  and  their  annoyance  ; 
it  seems  in  as  happy  a  jundlure  as  wc  could  wish  for  ;  without 
which  we  should  not  have  had  the  advantage  or  opportunity 
which  they  have  opened  to  us. 

**  2.  The  people  of  Cape  Breton  early  and  suddenly  seizing 
Canso,  invading  Annapolis,  and  M.  De  Vivier  going  to  France 
for  additional  forces  by  sea  and  land,  to  renew  the  assault  in  the 
spring  of  the  year ;  were  improved  by  God  as  a  means  of  rous- 
ing us  up  with  the  sense  of  danger,  and  of  exciting  our  Go- 
vernor to  implore  the  King  for  somt  naval  help ;  without 
which  it  seems  that  commodore  Warren  with  his  three  ships  of 
war  had  not  been  ordered  from  our  West  India  Islands  to  New 
England;  though  then,  I  suppose,  without  any  special  view  to 
this  important  enterprise. 

"  3.  By  the  Cape  Bretoners  taking  and  carrying  so  many  of 
our  people  into  their  harbor  and  city,  they  were  obliged  to  return 


til- 


wm 


iHi 


Appendix.]  Taking  of  Loutsbourg. 


193 


them  to  us  ;  whereby  we  came  to  be  more  acquainted  with  their 
situation  and  the  proper  places  of  landing  and  attacking.  And 
at  the  same  time  it  is  in  the  issue  happy  they  were  not  fully 
aware  of  the  prodigious  strength  of  the  fortifications,  or  of  the 
great  number  of  men  within  and  near  them,  or  we  never  had 
presumed  on  such  an  enterprise.  Yea,  it  is  happy  that  some 
few,  who  better  knowing  the  place,  gave  the  more  exa<^ 
accounts  and  spake  discouraging ;  yet  we  were  so  set  on  sending, 
they  were  not  regarded. 

**  4.  God  was  pleased  to  give  last  summer  a  great  plenty  of 
provision  to  our  northern  colonies,  whereby  we  were  this  spring 
prepared  to  supply  so  great  an  armament,  and  at  the  same  time 
cut  short  the  crops  in  Canada  and  the  French  West  India 
Islands  ;  whereby  it  was  apprehended  that  those  at  Cape  Breton 
were  considerably  straitened,  and  that  both  the  Canada  French 
and  Indians  were  hindered  the  last  year  from  troubling  our 
inland  borders. 

**  5.  By  our  account  of  the  uneasiness  of  the  Switzers  there, 
for  want  of  pay  and  provision ;  and  the  call  and  wants  of  their 
East  and  West  India  fleet  in  the  Fall  of  the  year,  and  their  sup- 
plies with  men  and  viiSluals,  if  not  ammunition,  it  was  repre- 
sented the  remaining  French  were  further  weakened }  and  we 
were  the  more  encouraged.  And  it  was  further  remarkable, 
that  their  store  ships  from  France  in  the  Fall  came  so  late  on 
their  coast,  and  the  winter  there  set  in  so  early  and  fierce,  as  to 
keep  them  out  of  their  harbor  and  drive  them  off  to  Martineco. 

'*  6.  From  the  sanguine  representations  made  by  our  returned 
captives,  of  the  easiness  of  our  taking  the  place  by  an  early 
surprisal  before  any  help  could  come,  either  from  France  or 
Canada,  God  was  pleased  to  lead  our  Governor,  vigilant  and 
a£kive  for  our  safety  and  welfare^  into  the  proje£):  j  and  early 


irr  m.  If  ■  ;ih '-■  ■  lf^  ■  ■  --^ 'f '-    ■■-■■■■'" --^-i-  ■    i--'    '•  '      mn,>  juammnMM 


194 


Taking  of  Louisbourg,  [Appendix. 


■1  '•■ 


;  (     I. 

h  i   I 


h 


forming  the  scheme,  in  the  most  timely  season,  in  the  midst  of 
Winter,  when  our  intercourse  abroad  was  sealed  up,  to  move 
and  press  it  on  the  General  Assembly ;  and  after,  in  convenient 
time,  on  our  neighboring  governments ;  and  with  wonderous 
resolution,  circumspe<Stion  and  assiduity  to  pursue  the  same. 

"  7.  Though  when  the  affair  was  first  proposed  to  the 
General  Court,  the  difficulties  seemed  so  great,  and  the  expense 
so  sinking  to  this  poor  people,  that  they  saw  no  light  to  venture 
without  a  powerful,  previous  help  from  England  ;  yet,  upon 
further  representations,  that  the  season  would  likely  be  lost  for- 
ever, &c.,  the  affair  was  unexpectedly  reconsidered:  And  the 
sovereign  God  so  over-ruled  the  absence  of  divers  worthy 
representatives,  who  judged  it  too  vast  an  undertaking  for  us, 
that,  it  is  said,  the  final  resolution  for  it,  on  January  25,  was 
just  carried  by  one  majority  ;  and  even  that  and  other  votes  had 
been  lost,  if  the  superior  greatness  of  the  expense  had  been 
then  imagined  \  it  soon  abundantly  exceeded  their  expeditations. 

"  When  the  General  Court  had  agreed  on  this  great  enter- 
prise, it  is  surprising  to  think,  with  how  profound  a  secrecy  so 
many  members  in  the  center  of  so  populous,  observing,  and 
inquisitive  a  town  as  this,  for  so  many  days,  kept  their  consulta- 
tions, until  the  various  parts  of  the  plan  were  settled,  com- 
mittees chosen,  and  all  things  ripe  for  enlisting  soldiers,  hiring 
vessels,  buying  materials  and  provisions :  and  as  surprising  to  see 
with  what  a  general  silence  all  these  things  were  done  in  this 
city  and  land  ;  and  the  army  and  fleet  equipped  and  ready  to 
sail,  while  the  rest  of  the  world  had  scarce  any  intelligence  of 
our  preparations. 

*^  9.  As  soon  as  ever  the  design  was  known  among  us,  it  was 
a  marvelous  thing,  that  when  this  province  had  lately  lost  so 
many  hundred  men,  volunteers  in  the  sad  expedition  to  Car- 


Ir 


'"-^ 


^mrm 


Appendit.)  Taking  of  Louis  hour g. 


195 


thagena*  (not  one  in  ten  being  left  alive  to  return),  their  wives 
left  widows  and  their  children  orphans,  yet  to  see  so  many  likely 
men,  and  I  conclude  the  most  of  them  owners  of  lands  and 
.houses,  or  heirs  of  the  same,  and  many  religious,  in  all  our 
towns,  readily  listing  even  as  private  soldiers  i  with  the  small 
wages  of  twenty-five  shillings  (new  tenor)  a  month,  to  leave 
their  gainful  farms  and  trades,  as  well  as  parents,  wives  and 
children  ;  all  as  free  volunteers,  to  serve  their  God,  their  king 
and  country,  in  this  hazardous  enterprise.  Yes,  more  to  list 
than  the  court  desired  ;  and  that  so  many  men  of  distinguished 
figure  should  cheerfully  offer  themselves  —  even  four  of  his 
majesty's  council  ;|  as  also  the  Hon.  Deputy  Governor  of 
Connefticut  colony,^  and  divers  others  of  public  esteem  and 
charadter. 

**  10.  It  was  wonderful  also  to  see  that  during  those  two 
usually  stormy  months  of  February  and  March,  the  only  season 
for  our  preparation,  God  was  pleased  to  give  us  such  a  constant 
series  of  moderate  and  fair  weather,  as  in  that  time  of  the  year 
has  scarce  ever  been  known  among  us.  So  that  there  was 
hardly  any  impediment  to  our  officers  going  about  and  enlisting, 
our  soldiers  in  marching,  or  our  vessels  in  fitting,  or  our  coast- 
ers in  bringing  us  provisions,  or  our  committee  of  war,§  in  their 
various  preparations,  until  all  were  ready  to  sa,'. 


*  That  pestilential  expedition  was  in 
1740,  under  Admiral  Vernon.  There 
were  in  the  expedition,  according  to  good 
authority,  27,000  men,  of  whom  15,000 
were  seamen.  The  English  loss,  chiefly 
by  sickness,  was  about  ao,ooo  men !  Ed. 

f  Colonel  Pepperrell,  Samuel  Waldo, 
Joseph  Dwight,  and  Jeremiah  Moulton. 
Editor. 

\  Roger  Wolcot,  Esq.  He  was  the 
second  in  command  of  the  land  forces, 
was  a  native  of  Windsor  in  Connedicut, 


and  attained  a  high  military  rank.  He 
died  at  the  advanced  age  of  eighty-eight, 
May  17th,  1767.  His  father  was  Henry 
W.,  and  his  mother  was  Martha,  sister  of 
Gov.  William  Pitkin.  Oliver  W.,  signer 
of  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  was 
his  son.   Ed. 

§  Instead  of  a  commissary  general,  an 
officer  appointed  by  the  governor,  a  com- 
mittee oi  war  was  chosen  by  the  two 
houses  out  of  their  own  members.  Hutck- 
iHioH,  II,  41 X.     Ed. 


m 


''I       ' 


, 

* 

- 

r 

f 
^ 

|,     ^,, 

1 

Pfl 

196 


Taking  of  Louisbourg.  [AmNoix. 


I' I 

I"' 


"11.  The  extraordinary  thought,  contrivance,  order,  man- 
agement, and  quick  dispatch,  not  only  of  his  Excellency,  but 
also  of  our  Council  of  War,  seems  wonderful ;  that  gentlemen 
unused  to  such  aftairs,  should,  in  two  months  time,  think  of 
and  get  ready  everything  suitable  for  so  great  and  various  an 
armament  by  sea  and  land ;  so  that  nothing  proper  seems  to 
have  beei;  onJtted.  And  I  have  heard  some  express  them- 
selves with  wonder  to  see  how  things  would  happen  \  just  as 
they  wanted  some  kinds  of  materials  or  provisions,  an  unex- 
pedted  vessel  would  come  in  and  bring  them. 

"  1 2.  It  was  also  wonderful,  that  though  the  small-pox,  which 
has  been  so  fatal  and  dreadful  to  us,  came  into  this  town 
[Boston]  and  harbor,  as  our  troops  were  coming  in,  both  by 
land  and  water,  and  continued  all  the  time  they  were  quarter- 
ing and  anchoring  here,  very  few  of  the  officers  and  soldiers 
having  had  it,  and  we  were  full  of  anxious  apprehensions ;  yet, 
it  neither  hindered  them,  nor  did  the  dangerous  infection  spread 
among  them ;  which,  in  that  critical  juncture  would,  after  all, 
have  wholly  overthrown  the  enterprise. 

"And  now  our  army  of  three  thousand  land  soldiers,  with 
all  kinds  of  stores  being  ready  to  sail  on  the  20th  of  March,  in 
about  a  hundred  vessels,  besides  five  hundred  soldiers  more 
sent  from  Conne£Ucut,  and  three  hundred  and  fifty  from  New 
Hampshire,  we  had  almost  every  gloomy  prospect  to  make  us 
tremble :  for  our  inland  borders  were  now  left  bare  of  a  great 
part  of  their  strength,  by  listing  of  so  many  of  their  able  men 
volunteers  in  the  expedition.  And  if  the  enterprise  succeeded, 
the  heavy  debt  would  almost  sink  us.  But  if,  for  our  offences, 
God  were  carrying  forth  a  great  part  of  the  flower  of  the  coun- 
try to  be  destroyed,  a  most  dismal  scene  of  ruin  seemed  to 
follow !     They  were  to  sail  five  hundred  miles  to  the  enemy's 


I'-M  I 


I" 


ppi 


NIMHHIPI 


AfPENDix.]  Taking  of  Louisbourg. 


197 


island,  in  a  raw  and  stormy  time  of  the  year.  And  if  the  feared 
infection  had  taken  place  and  should  break  out  among  them, 
especially  after  their  landing,  what  a  general  terror  would  seize 
them  from  the  hand  of  God  which  there  was  no  resisting,  and 
in  what  a  miserable  case  would  they  be !  *  A  naval  power  with 
stores  and  disciplined  troops  were  also  early  expelled  there  from 
France  to  conquer  Nova  Scotia.  And  after  all  the  labors  of 
our  unwearied  Governor,  to  obtain  some  men  of  war  from  our 
I.  -hboring  colonies  and  West  India  Islands  to  come  and  pro- 
tect and  help  us,  our  hopeful  prospers  seemed  to  dwindle  away, 
and  we  could  do  no  other  but  that,  if  two  sixty  gun  ships  of 
our  enemies,  which  were  early  cxpeded,  should  arrive  before 
we  took  the  place,  they  would  soon  make  our  fleet  and  army 
captives,  and  then  what  would  become  of  this  country ! 

"  So  they  must  run  the  most  desperate  hazards.  The  hearts 
of  many  of  the  wisest  ashore  now  seemed  to  fail.  Some 
repented  they  had  voted  for  it,  and  others  that  they  had  ever 
promoted  it.  Some  judged  it  best  after  all  for  every  man  to 
go  home ;  and  the  thoughtful  among  us  were  in  great  perplexity^ 
But  yet  a  wopder  it  was  to  see,  that  those  who  were  venturing 
into  the  danger,  seemed  to  be  fullest  of  trust  in  God  and 
courage.  Many  filled  their  vessels  with  prayers ;  and  asking 
ours,  they  threw  themselves  into  the  divine  protection,  in  the 
name  of  God  they  set  up  their  banners,  and  away  they  sailed. 
Pray  for  us,  and  we  will  fight  for  you,  was  the  valiant  and 
endearing  language  wherewith  they  left  us. 


*  In  one  day,  March  5,  the  small-pox  care  of  some  guardian  angel  or  genius, 

appeared  in   three   Uifferent   parts  of  the  they  escaped  the  infeaion.     It  was  1;  tely 

town.     No  care  was  taken  to  remove  the  imported  in  Capt.  Snelling's  ship,  which 

levies  to  some  of  the  many  convenient  was  taken  into  the  service  of  the  expedi- 

itlandt  in  the  bay.     Miraculously,  by  the  tion.  Douglau.     Ed. 


,'r  ~ 


,ji, 


198 


^aking  of  LoUtshourg.  [Appendix. 


"  Such  were  some  of  the  remarkable  steps  which  led  to  the 
dangerous  enterprise.  We  come  now  to  the  more  surprising 
ones  which  succeeded  therein  to  the  happy  accomplishment:  — 

"  I.  As  it  was  very  encouraging  to  think  how  many  pious 
and  prayerful  persons  were  embaiked  in  the  cause,  which  we 
accounted  the  cause  of  God  and  his  people;  it  gave  further 
grou.  of  hope,  to  see  such  a  spirit  of  Supplication  given  to 
many  in  this  town  and  land  on  this  occasion.  For  besides  the 
solemn  days  of  public  and  general  prayer  appointed  by  these 
three  governments,*  there  were  particular  days  observed  in 
several  congregations.  There  were  also  in  div  -s  towns 
religious  societies,  some  of  women  as  well  as  others  of  Men, 
who  met  every  week,  more  privately  to  pray  for  the  preserva- 
tion and  success  of  their  countrymen.  And  I  have  been  well 
informed  of  their  extraordinary  fervency,  faith  and  wrestlings, 
as  so  many  Jacobs  in  this  important  season.  Psalm  cvr  i,  10- 
13,  v/as  usually  among  our  petitions:  As  also  'That  God 
would  preserve,  dire£l  and  spirit  our  friends,  and  surprise  and 
terrify  our  enemies,  and  in  such  a  manner  as  the  work  and 
gloiy  might  appear  to  be  his  alone.' 

"  2.  God  then  began  in  a  remarkable  manner  to  hear  our 
prayers,  in  that  when  so  many  vessels  sailed  from  hence  and 
from  New  Hampshire  and  Connecticut,  in  such  a  turbulent 
time  of  the  year,  through  a  course  of  five  hundred  miles  on  the 
ocean,  they  every  one  arrived  ?X  Canso,  the  place  of  Concourse, 
about  fifty  miles  on  this  side  Cape  Breton,  without  the  loss 
of  more  than  one  soldier  and  three  seamen,  and  but  fifteen  sick  ;t 

*  They  were  New  Hampshire,  Massa-  help  in  fighting  Indians  and  Frenchmen, 

chusetts      and      Connefticut,     probably.  Editor. 

Rhode  Island  was  hardly  allowed  to  be  a  f  This  was  the  report  of  Gen.  Pep- 
Christian  community,  by  many  in  tliose  perrell  in  a  letter  to  Governor  .Shirley,  as 
days,  yet  they  were  glad  enough  of    its  communicated    to    the    General    Court, 


i 


^Miajg^jmsi^mat 


I)>ti»lll 


Appendix]  Taking  of  Loutsbourg. 


199 


and  time  enough  to  meet  together  and  refresh  themselves,  and 
get  into  order  for  their  descent  at  Louisbourg. 

"3.  It  was  remarkable  also,  that  God  was  pleased  to  keep 
our  enemies'  shore  and  harbor  environed  with  ice  longer  than 
usual ;  so  that  none  of  their  vessels  could  enter  nor  go  forth 
for  intelligence,  till  our  twenty  gun  cruisers  (which  our  Go- 
vernor sent  above  a  fortnight  before  the  rest  of  the  fleet)  came 
thither ;  and  that  some  of  their  vessels  coming  early  to  them, 
both  before  and  after  the  harbor  was  open,  were  happily  inter- 
cepted and  taken  by  ours ;  whereby  our  enemies  within  failed 
of  their  supplies,  and  we  were  recruited  by  those  without. 

*'4.  That  by  a  most  gracious,  seasonable  and  wonderful  Di- 
reftion  of  God,  through  our  Governor's  solicitation  *  the  Fall 
before,  the  brave  and  active  Commodore  Warren,  a  great  friend 
of  these  plantations,  is  ordered  by  the  government  in  England, 
to  come  immediately  with  three  men  of  war  from  Antego  to 
Boston;  that  on  his  voyage  hither,  near  Cape  Sables,  on  April 
12,  he  met  with  a  fisherman,  who  informed  him  of  our  army's 
being  gone  to  Canso  the  week  before ;  that  on  board  the  fish- 
erman there  was  one  of  the  best  pilots,  who  had  got  out  of  the 
way  of  our  committee  of  war,  to  avoid  being  pressed  for  the 
service;  that  though  the  Commodore  wanted  fresh  provision 


April  25.  The  general  said  he  had  re- 
viewed the  forces  on  Canso  Hill,  and 
found  them  in  good  health ;  that  Capt. 
Donahew  had  taken  three  Indians,  from 
whom  he  had  learned  that  the  French 
and  Indians  had  intended  to  make  a  fresh 
attack  on  Annapolis,  and  that  Mons. 
Duvivier,  with  two  ships  of  v-'nr  from 
France,  was  expected  to  join  them.  Ed. 
*  It  will  all  along  be  seen  that  nothing 
by  way  of  a  wise  precaution  was  wanting 


in  Gov.  Shirley.  As  little  was  left  to 
chance,  apparently,  as  in  any  similar  ex- 
peditions, whatever  writers  have  said  to 
the  contrary.  It  is  a  very  cheap  kind  of 
wisdom  to  foresee  what  would  have  been 
the  result  of  an  undertaking  if  a  deluge 
or  an  earthquake  had  intervened.  If  it 
was  providential  that  neither  of  these 
happened,  it  is  equally  providential  that 
the  internal  fires  of  the  earth  were  quiet 
during  the  liouisbouig  campaign.   Ed, 


i: ., 


.^.^^^^....^.^....^.^ 


Im 


it  i 
lib  r 


!  ':.      !i 


200 


Taking  of  Louisbourg. 


[Appendix. 


and  clothes  for  his  men  in  so  cold  a  climate  and  season,  he 
wisely  considered  the  necessitous  case  of  our  army,  took  the 
pilot,  generously  tacked  about,  went  after  them,  overtook  them 
at  Canso,  to  their  great  joy ;  and,  instead  of  stopping,  passed 
on  to  watch  the  harbor  of  Louisbourg,  that  no  supply  from 
Canada,  Martinico  or  France  might  slip  into  it ;  without  all 
which  a  sixty-four  gun  ship  with  near  six  hundred  men  and  full 
stores  had  entered,  and  this  great  affair  had  soon  been  defeated.* 

"  5.  That  the  Commodore,  by  the  fishermen  sent  his  order 
for  the  king's  ships  that  should  be  found  in  these  parts,  forth- 
with to  follow  himj  that  the  fisherman  timely  arriving,  our 
Governor  immediately  sent  the  order  to  a  forty  gun  ship  at 
Piscataqua  ready  to  convoy  the  mast  fleet  for  England ;  and 
though  she  was  got  to  sea,  yet  by  a  boat  the  order  reached  her ; 
and  sending  her  fleet  into  harbor,  she  bore  after  the  Commo- 
dqre  and  quickly  joined  him.  So  that  our  army  before  they 
sailed  from  Canso,  had  the  comfort  of  four  men  of  war  to  pro- 
tedt  and  help  them. 

"  6.  That  though  our  fleet  and  army  stayed  near  three  weeks 
at  Canso,  within  twenty  leagues  of  Louisbourg,  and  within 
sight  of  their  island,t  yet  the  people  there  knew  nothing  of  it 
till  early  in  the  morning  of  April  30,  when  they  were  so  sur- 
prised to  see  us,  that  they  had  no  time  to  get  in  the  fresh  pro- 
vision and  force  of  the  neighboring  country  to  help  thenn.  It 
seems  very  wonderful,  that  none  of  the  French  or  Indians  near 
Canso  should  happen  to  see  us,  and  give  our  enemies  intelli- 
gence of  us.     And,  when  our  fleet  and  army  were  complete 

*  It  it  by   no  means  certain  that  the  Scdtik  from  Cape  Breton,  is  "very  nar- 

arrival  of  this  ship  would  have  defeated  row ; "  and  as  it  is  of  very  unequal  width, 

the  capture.      It  might  have  retarded  it.  geographers  do  not  give  us  even  an  average 

See  ante,  p.  72.   Ed.  of  it.   Ed.     It  is   six  leagues  in  length. 

f  The  Gut  of  Canso,  separating  Nova  See  Doug/att,  I.  346.   Ed.  .     '   ; 


iV 


r 


•'■ri- ■*■■•■*' 


.1  ;ii(»ir«.«>'ji'-r.trii-iiiiii'>>i-i  .'■i^iiiii'i'.i.  ii.iiiiii. 


mvimi 


wm 


Apmndix.]  Taking  of  Louis u^urg. 


201 


and  ready,  the  ice  went  cfF  at  once,  and  the  winds  and  weather 
conspired  to  favoi  our  descent  on  the  island.'*' 

"  7.  It  is  also  remarkable  that  the  French  had  made  no  forti- 
fication at  th;  place  of  our  landing,  though  it  is  said  they  de- 
signed it,  and  were  preparing  for  it.  And  though  they  had 
six  hundred  regular  troops,  and  about  fourteen  hundred  other 
men  in  the  city,  that  yet  they  should  make  so  small  an  oppo- 
sition at  our  going  on  shore:  That  God  so  encouraged  and 
helped  the  few  who  landed  first  and  engaged  them,  as  to  beat 
them  away  with  the  loss  of  eight  of  their  men  slain,  several 
wounded,  and  ten  taken  captive,  without  the  loss  of  one  of 
ours;  that  thereby  he  struck  terror  into  our  enemies;  And 
though  our  people  were  so  eager  of  landing,  they  were  ready 
to  quarrel  to  get  into  the  boats,  and  the  surf  ran  high,  yet  all 
our  army  landed  safely,  without  oversetting  a  boat  or  losing  a 
man.f 

"8.  That  he  moved  them  to  improve  the  time,  and  forth- 
with march  up  five  miles  through  a  thickety,  rocky,  hilly  and 
boggy  country,  and  enclose  the  city ;  that  in  the  following  night 
he  led  some  of  our  soldiers  through  strange  places  to  the  store- 
houses near  the  Grand  Battery  which  was  strongly  fortified 
with  walls  and  ditches,  and  at  each  end  a  very  thick  bomb- 
proof tower ;  that  the  store-houses,  full  of  combustible  matter, 
being  set  on  fire  burnt  and  flashed  in  a  horrible  manner,  and  in 


*  Pioui  men  i»w  the  immediate  hand 
of  Divine  Providence  in  all  this.  Hutch- 
intoH.     Ed. 

f  The  force*  under  Admiral  Boeca- 
wen,  Sir  Charles  Hardy,  and  Gen.  Am- 
herst, found  things  vastly  changed  when 
they  were  sent  to  retake  the  place  thirteen 

Aa 


year*  later.  The  men  led  by  Wolfe, 
Whitmore,  and  Lawrence,  were  not  less 
eager  to  land,  though  in  the  face  of  forti- 
fications which  made  terrible  havoc 
among  them ;  besides  the  drowning  of 
twenty-tw.o  men  by  the  staving  of  boat*. 
Editor, 


'*^i^imf^^^/j^f^tea^«>mi 


t'\ 


i 


202 


Taking  of  Louisbourg. 


[ApPENDIJf. 


the  night  increased  the  enemy's  terror;  that  the  wind  also 
bearing  a  prodigious  black  smoke  upon  them,  in  which  expedt- 
ing  our  army  to  enter,  they  were  every  soul  frighted  out  of  it 
into  the  city ;  and  that  in  the  morning,  but  thirteen  of  our  men 
observing  there  was  neither  fiag  flying,  nor  chimney  smoking, 
nor  person  appearing,  but  the  gates  open,  ventured  in  and  took 
possession.* 

**9.  That  yet  the  enemy  aware  of  their  fatal  error,  soon 
after  came  with  forces  in  many  shallowaesf  to  recover  it ;  but 
eight  of  the  thirteen  going  out  of  the  battery,  and  meeting 
with  about  eight  more  of  our  friends,  ran  to  the  water  side, 
and  so  plied  the  boats  with  small  arms,  as  damped  and  hindered 
them,  till  seeing  more  of  our  forces  coming,  the  boats  turned 
back  to  the  town  again.  If  they  had  come  but  one  hour  sooner, 
they  had  regained  the  battery  before  we  found  it  deserted. 
And  thus  this  strong  fortress  of  thirty-two  great  cannon 
(thirty  of  them  forty-two  pounders),  which  might  alone  have 
maintained  itself  against  all  our  army,  the  Lord  delivered  into 
our  hands,  without  the  loss  of  a  man,  or  shot  of  a  gun,  and 
before  we  demanded  it ;  whereby  He  at  once  saved  us  both 
time,  toil,  and  blood,  and  surprisingly  gave  us  a  great  power 
over  the  harbor,  as  well  as  so  many  of  the  largest  of  the  ene- 
my's cannon,  with  a  great  number  of  their  own  balls  and  bombs 
to  improve  against  them. 

**  10.  That  our  army  was  preserved  from  the  dangerous 
infeftion  ;  and  though  being  open  to  the  air,  fogs  and  dews, 
upon  the  melting  of  the  ice,  in  a  raw  climate  and  season  of  the 
year,  the  camp  dysentery  seized  many,  yet  some  of  our  physi- 


*  Thl«  was  Col.  Vaughan's  exploit. 
It  will  be  found  differently  reported  in 
Apfknoix  D. 


f  Perhaps  flat  bottomed  boats.  The 
only  instance  of  the  occurrence  of  the 
word  recolle^ed.  Eti. 


n  ■  ill 


^^1^ 


AippENDix.]  Taking  of  Louisbourg. 


203 


cians,  in  their  letters  signified,  that  it  looked  almost  miraculous 
they  should  so  soon  and  generally,  without  means,  recover.* 

*'  II.  That  they  should  be  inspired  with  wondrous  courage, 
eagerness,  activity,  and  unfainting  strength  ;  be  supported  under 
their  extraordinary  and  constant  toils,  fatigues,  and  labors,  in 
carrying  stores,  drawing  cannon  over  hills  and  vallies,  among 
rocks  and  through  morasses,  up  to  the  middle  in  mire  }  and 
digging  trenches,  raising  batteries,  firing  shot  and  bombs  almost 
incessantly,  both  day  and  night,  against  the  city  jf  and  that  God 
so  spfeedily  'taught  their  hands  to  war,  and  their  fingers  to  fight,' 
as  presently  to  throw  them  with  great  exactness,  and  do 
continual  execution  among  our  enemies  ;  dismounting  their 
cannon,  beating  down  their  houses,  gates,  walls,  flankers,  and 
greatly  distressing  them.t 

"  12.  That  when  a  new  sixty-four  gun  ship  from  France,  with 
near  six  hundred  men,  and  great  quantities  of  arms  and  stores, 


''*'  During  the  siege  was  constant  dry, 
favorable  weather.  Next  day,  June  18, 
after  we  had  possession  of  the  town,  the 
raining  season  set  in,  which,  for  want  of 
our  men  being  clothed  and  well  lodged, 
would  have  broken  up  the  siege.  Dou- 
glast.  E4.  These  contingencies  served 
a  good  purpose  then  and  long  after. 

f  Here  we  may  observe,  that  by  the 
herculean  labor  of  our  militia  (many  oi 
them  were  used  to  masting  and  logging), 
whose  great  achievements  were  most  re- 
markable in  quality  of  pioneers  or  laborers, 
they  dragged  these  heavy  cannon  upon 
•ledges  over  morasses  not  practicable  by 
horses  or  oxen.  By  good  providence  they 
had  no  occasion  to  show  their  conduA 
and  courage  in  repulsing  of  coldiers. 
Dottglati.     Ed. 


X  The  transporting  the  cannon  was 
with  almost  incredible  labor  and  fatigue, 
for  all  the  roads  over  which  they  were 
dtawn,  having  here  and  there  small 
patches  of  rocky  hills,  was  a  deep  morass, 
in  which,  while  the  cannon,  was  upon 
the  wheels,  they  several  times  sunk,  so  as 
to  bury  not  only  the  carriages,  but  the 
whole  body  of  the  cannon  likewise. 
Horses  a)id  oxen  could  not  be  employed 
in  this  tervice,  but  the  wliole  was  to  be 
done  by  n\tn  themselves,  up  to  the  knees 
in  mud  ;  at  the  same  time  the  nights,  in 
which  the  work  was  done,  cold,  and  for 
the  most  p.irt  foggy;  their  tents  bad,  there 
being  no  proper  material  to  be  had  for 
cents  in  New  England,  at  the  time  the 
forces  were  raised.  Governor  Shirley's 
Journal,  page  14.      Ed. 


M 


'\  ' 


^diA 


204 


^1 

Taking  of  Louisbourg,  [ArrEwwx. 


1 


came  so  near  the  mouth  of  the  harbor,  and  before  a  fair  wind, 
that  two  hours  more  would  have  given  her  entrance,  she  was 
happily  discovered  by  some  of  our  smaller  ships,  who  led  her 
along  to  the  larger,  and  soon  made  her  strike,  though  after  near 
two  hours'  close  engagement,  wherein  she  lost  above  thirt-'  men, 
and  ours  but  five.*  And  though  by  the  fog  in  the  night  they 
lost  her,  yet  in  the  morning  they  happily  recovered  her;  to  the 
growing  discouragement  of  the  besieged,  and  our  increasing 
strength  and  benefit. 

"  That  though  to  show  our  dependence  on  God  continually. 
He  was  pleised  to  suffer  the  barbarous  Indians  twice  to  surprise 
and  murder  some  of  our  people  ;  yet  in  several  land  encounters, 
both  with  French  and  Indians,  in  divers  parts  of  the  island,  He 
was  pleased  to  give  us  the  victory. 

**That  by  means  of  extraordinary  quick  dispatch  of  a 
messenger,  our  Governor  in  February  sent  to  the  King  for 
naval  help.  God  was  pleased  to  send  so  many  men  of  war, 
successively,  as  by  the  I2th  of  June,  with  the  64-gun  prize  and 
those  who  were  there  before,  to  amount  to  eleven,  to  the  sinking 
fear  of  the  enemy,  and  the  rising  joy  of  our  fleet  and  army  ;  and 
also  to  preserve  a  happy  harmony  between  our  various  officers. 

**  That  though  God  was  pleased  to  humble  us  in  defeating 
our  attack  in  the  night,  on  their  strong  Island  Fort,t  yet  he 


..i.x::,l  I  .* 


*  Besides  the  Superb,  the  Mermaid, 
Eltham,  Massachusetts  Frigate,  and 
Shirley  Galley  were  all  in  the  engage- 
ment. Gov.  Shirley's  Journal,  page  i%. 
Ed. 

f  This  was  the  mo«t  unfortunate  part 
of  the  whole  siege,  and  was  apparently 
very  ill  advised.  Mr.  Prince  passes  over 
it  altogether  too  slightly.  Dr.  Douglass 
treats    it  more  at  it  should    be    treated. 


He  says,  "About  four  hundred  men,  in 
whaleboats  so  thin  and  light  that  a  flew 
musket  balls  were  sufficient  to  sink  them, 
rashly  attempted  the  Island  Battery,  where 
is  bad  landing,  against  thirty  guns  of 
twenty-eight  pound  ball,  served  by  one 
hundred  and  eighty  men.  We  lost  in 
this  mad  frolic,  sixty  men  killed  and 
drowned,  and  one  hundred  and  sixteen 
taken  prisoners."     lb.  353.     E4. 


I 


Appendix.] 


Taking  of  Louishurg. 


10$ 


happily  guided,  and  with  surprising  strength,  agility  and  quick- 
ness, helped  us  to  hoist  up  some  of  the  heaviest  cannon  and 
mortars  on  the  Light  House  CliiF,  which  overlooked  that  fort 
in  which  they  trusted  to  hinder  our  entering  into  their  harbor ; 
and  then  assisted  in  casting  our  bombs  so  exactly,  as  after  the 
two  or  three  first  to  throw  in  every  one  of  the  rest,  and  do 
such  execution  as  quickly  to  beat  them  out  of  this  strong  hold 
they  thought  impregnable,  and  frighten  the  city  to  a  quiet 
surrender.  "• 

"  That  God  shouiv.  move  them  to  it  in  that  critical  moment, 
when  the  navy  and  army  had  just  agreed  on  a  general,  desperate 
and  fierce  assault,  both  by  land  and  water,  which  was  like  to  be 
exceeding  bloody  and  of  doubtful  consequence  ;  for  upon  the 
capitulation,  when  our  forces  entered  the  city,  and  came  to 
view  the  inward  state  of  its  fortifications,  they  were  amazed  to 
see  their  extraordinary  strength  and  device,  and  how  we  had 
like  to  liave  lost  the  limbs  and  lives  of  a  multitude,  if  not  have 
been  all  destroyed  ;  and  that  the  city  should  surrender  when 
there  was  a  great  body  of  French  and  Indians  got  on  the  island, 
and  within  a  day's  march  to  molest  us. 

*■*•  That  in  all  our  close  and  constant  assaults  and  skirmishes, 
some  of  our  batteries  being  within  pistol-shot  of  the  city,  and 
receiving  such  a  vast  number  of  balls  and  bombs  almost  con- 
tinually by  day  and  by  night,  we  should  not  have  above  twenty 
slain  in  our  batteries,  and  not  above  a  hundred  in  all,  in  so  raw 
a  climate  and  season,  and  under  such  fatigues,  not  loose  above 
a  hundred  more  by  sickness.  And  of  so  many  vessels  trans- 
porting and  cruising,  in  so  many  storms  in  March  and  April, 


1 


*June  15th,  when  the  mortar  began  seventeen  fell  within  the  fort,  and  one  of 
to  play  fi-om  the  Lighthouse  battery  upon  them  upon  the  magazine.  —  Shirley's 
the  Island  battery,  out  of  nineteen  shells.     Journal,  p.  30.     Ed, 


% 


— T-J*l 


ii  iftii^iiifiii'i  nuiiiiiijiiiiwiiii 


if    ' 


ii 


/ 


206 


Taking  of  Louisbourg.  [Appendix. 


loose  but  one,'''  though  this  a  cruiser  of  a  hundred  men,  supposed 
to  be  overset,  is  a  grievous  loss. 

**That  in  the  time  of  the  siege,  there  were  many  other 
surprising  events  in  our  favor, — such  as  timely  supplies  to  our 
army,  either  by  transports  or  prizes,  as  we  were  near  to  want 
them  ;t  that  the  very  balls  from  our  enemy's  cannon  were  of 
no  small  service,  being  as  fast  almost  as  they  fell  catched  up 
and  put  into  ours,  and  returned  with  advantage  }  that  digging  a 
trench  to  protect  our  men,  and  meeting  a  rock  in  the  way  we 
could  not  remove  it ;  just  as  we  left  it,  a  bomb  from  the  enemy 
came  down  in  the  most  suitable  spot,  and  without  any  harm, 
removed  it  for  us.      . 

"  That  from  the  army  leaving  Canso,  April  29th,  to  their 
landing,  April  30th,  and  during  all  the  siege,  there  should  be 
such  a  continual  series  of  fair  weather,  as  was  never  known 
in  the  place  before  at  that  time  oi  the  year,  till  their  entering 
into  the  city,  June  17th,  and  then  the  clouds  to  gather  blackness 
and  pour  down  rains  for  ten  days  together,  which  would 
have  spoiled  our  batteries,  filled  our  trenches,  and  greatly 
hindered  and  disabled  us !  It  seemed  to  close  the  scenes  of 
wonder  ! 

"  In  the  mean  while,  it  is  also  remarkable,  that  the  North 
American  coasts  have  been  unmolested  by  both  French  and 


4.;  ;?:' 


*Thi8  "  one  "  wm  the  snow  Prince  of 
Orange,  of  sixteen  guns,  Capt.  Smithurst. 
It  is  to  be  regretted  that  in  all  the  ac- 
counts of  the  Cape  Breton  expedition 
which  I  have  consulted,  nothing  is  learned 
of  this  serious  disaster,  but  its  casual 
mention. 

I  "  The  English,  by  the  situation  of 
their  colonies,  have  had  facilities  which 


we  do  not  possess.  Boston  is  only  one 
hundred  and  sixty  to  one  hundred  and 
eighty  leagues  distant  from  Louisbourg  ; 
the  passage  is  usually  made  in  three  or 
four  days ';  therefore,  after  landing  at 
Gabarus  [Chapeau  rouge]  Bay,  they 
were  within  reach  of  supplies." — New 
York  Colonial  Documents,  x,  4  See,  also, 
Halliburton,  Hitt.  Nova  Scotia,  I,  116. 


'fir 


LdiiMiiuaii 


MSMMHH 


I  >^')  ■  I      "*  ■ 


»ll«  Willlll 


mnvk  K^  li>»iiiJ>  «iiii  «  ■ 


Appendix.]  TakfTig  of  LoUtsbourg. 


207 


Spanish  West  India  privateers^  till  this  great  affair  was  ended.* 
And  that  by  means  of  Du  Vivier's  projeft  of  taking  Annapolis 
in  the  Spring  or  Summer,  both  our  French  and  Indian  enemies 
have  been  all  this  time  diverted  from  our  exposed  inland 
borders  ;  they  being  drawn  to  Menis,  and  to  make  a  trancient 
show  at  Annapoiis.  So  he  was  guided  into  his  mischievous 
but  fruitless  project,  and  to  go  even  to  France  to  promote  our 
safety,  and  give  us  an  unmolested  season  for  the  taking  of 
Louisbourg." 

Respecting  the  combination  and  continuance  of  fortunate 
circumstances  which  contributed  to  the  capture  of  Cape  Breton, 
a  judicious  writer  has  remarked  :  *'  But  these  circumstances 
did  not  lessen  the  merit  of  the  man  who  planned,  nor  of  the 
people  who  efFefted  the  conquest ;  which  exhibited  a  high 
spirit  of  enterprise,  and  a  generous  participation  in  the  war  of 
the  mother  country. "f 

It  was  customary  at  this  period,  as  well  as  in  the  earlier 
periods  of  the  history  of  New  England,  to  make  a  providential 
interposition  answetable  for  whatever  fortune  befel  the  country, 
either  good  or  bad.  Hence  our  amiable  author  (Prince)  has 
laboriously  made  it  appear,  that,  in  the  Louisbourg  expedition, 
more  than  in  all  others,  the  hand  of  Providence  was  especially 
on  the  side  of  the  English  ;  that  this  was  a  proof  that  a  Papal 
empire  in  North  America  was  not  to  be  tolerated  by  that 
Providence.  That  the  men  who  undertook  this  enterprise 
against  the  French,  deserved  any  better  success  than  those  who 

*  But  they  had  previously  annoyed  the     and  bid  him  take  it  to  the  English  King, 


English  commerce  exceedingly;  treating 
the  seamen  in  the  most  barbaroui  man- 
ner. "Captain  Jenkins,  master  of  a 
Scotch  vessel,  being  rumaged  by  the 
Spaniards,  they  tore  part  of  his  ear  off, 


and  tell  him,  that  they  would  serve  him 
so,  if  they  had  him  in  their  power." — 
Biggs's  Af/Z/rory  History,  page  i. 

■f  Halliburton,   Hiitory  of  Nova  Scotit, 
1,  lao-i. 


m 


11 


flii 


208 


Taking  of  Louisbourg.  [Apmndix. 


had  before  gone  on  k  oiilar  «.  icmpts  under  Sir  William  Phips, 
Sir  Hovenden  Walker,  and  othert.,  is  hidden  from  the  scrutiny 
of  the  historian. 

Had  the  expedition  against  Louisbourg  been  undertaken  with- 
out orders  from  Great  Britain,  as  its  enemies  said,  its  failure  would 
have  been  the  ruin  of  the  country,  as  no  relief  could  be  expected 
from  the  crown.  Tiuis  argument  was  made  use  of  to  prove 
that  it  was  a  visionary  undertaking.  But  it  was  not  undertaken 
without  the  authority  of  the  British  government,  as  has  already 
been  shown.  War  existed  between  the  two  crowns,  and  the 
Governors  of  the  respedive  colonies  were  ordered  to  annoy  the 
enemy  to  the  utmost  of  their  ability.  Hence  the  undertaking 
was  in  stride  compliance  with  the  commands  of  the  government. 


ill  it;; 


iH; 


tA     f  ' 


■  i'Ukh : 


'.:d,' ■■■':' 


■mi 

w 


mmm^mmifm 


■ffH*f>,l  \    IJ"«Mi 


APPENDIX   C. 

Page  7». 

|HE  fortunate  interception  and  capture  of  the  French 
ship  Vigilant,  of  sixty-four  guns,  Captain  De  la 
Maison  Forte,  are  but  incidently  mentioned  in  the 
published  accounts.  The  capture  was  of  too  great 
importance  not  to  have  a  very  prominent  place  in  the  history 
of  this  war.  It  follows  here,  detailed  by  Captain  Tyng,  one 
who  bore  a  considerable  part  in  the  fight,  in  a  letter  dated  May 
23d,  I745f  probably  on  board  his  ship,  the  Massachusetts 
Frigate. 

*'  My  last  was  the  4th  of  April  from  Canso ;  since  which  I 
have  been  at  sea,  and  had  no  opportunity  nor  anything  material 
to  write  about  till  now. 

*■*■  I  now  congratulate  you  on  the  good  news  of  our  taking  a 
French  man  of  war  of  sixty-four  guns  and  five  hundred  men, 
about  three  days  ago.     (She  is  quite  new.) 

"  The  manner  of  taking  her  was  thus  :  The  Commodore 
[Warren,  in  the  Superbe  of  sixty  guns],  the  Eltham  [of  forty 
guns,  Capt.  Durell],  and  the  Launceston  [of  forty  guns,  Capt. 
Calmady*]  lay  off  Louisbourg  harbor.  Mr.  Warren  had  sent 
the  Mermaid  [Capt.  Douglas,  of  forty  guns]  to  cruise  further 
to  windward.  About  one  in  the  afternoon,  we  saw  the  Mer- 
maid and  the  French  ship  engaged.  They  were  standing  right 
for  us,  till  the  Frenchman  discovered  us  to  be  English.     We 

-     *  The  same,  doubtleta,  who  lost  his     Islands,  as  already  mentioned.     He  con- 
ship    the    year    before    at   the    Leeward     tinued  in  the  service  till  1757. 

Bb 


it 


^Ki 


I  ' 


•^««..«^>« 


]li: 


2IO 


Capture  of  the  Vigilant.         [Afmhdw. 


all  gave  chase,  but  Rouse,  in  the  Shirley  Galley,  being  ahead, 
got  up  with  him  first,  and  gave  him  several  broadsides  into  his 
stern.  Capt.  Durell  was  the  next  that  gave  him  a  broadside. 
It  being  very  foggy,  and  night  coming  on,  we  steered  by  the 
report  and  flash  of  the  guns.  When  the  brave  Commodore 
got  alongside  of  him,  yard  arm  and  yard  arm,  they  fired  so 
briskly,  with  great  guns  and  small  arms,  that  tore  his  rigging 
and  sails  all  to  pieces.  His  intention  was  to  board  the  French- 
man and  mine  the  Commodore,  and  to  run  our  men  over  him, 
but  we  could  not  get  up  in  time  ;  our  ship  sailing  much  worse 
than  before  we  lost  our  head  and  bowsprit. 

"The  Commodore  fired  one  broadside  into  him  after  tney 
had  struck ;  he  not  knowing  they  had  cried  for  quarters.  He 
shot  by  him  and  lost  sight  of  him  in  the  fog.  The  Eltham 
and  our  ship  soon  after  took  him  in  the  night  for  the  Commo- 
dore, till  the  Eltham  fired,  and  we  upon  his  bow  had  an  oppor- 
tunity  of  firing  at  him  again;  the  Elcham's  guns  firing  over  us, 
and  ours  over  him,  in  such  manner  we  were  forced  to  leave  ofF 
firing.  We  all  lost  sight  of  him  in  a  minute,  except  the  Mer- 
maid, who  presently  got  sight  of  him  again,  and  sent  his  boat 
on  board,  took  the  Captain  out,  and  left  only  four  men  on 
board,  and  thought  we  had  lost  her.  We  lay  by  the  Commo- 
dore all  night.  In  the  morning  it  cleared  up  -  little,  so  that 
we  saw  the  French  ship  lie  like  a  wreck,  with  Capt.  Douglas 
at  a  little  distance  from  him  (who  had  lost  him  in  the  night). 
We  sent  all  our  boats  and  some  men  on  board,  and  took  the 
prisoners  out,  and  hope  you  will  have  them  and  about  one 
hundred  more  in  Boston  shortly. 


a*!*!  «i'ti<jiitiiiii<i 


Afpindix.]         Capture  of  the  Vigilant. 


211 


"  The  Frenchman  had  about  thirty-five  killed  and  twenty- 
six  wounded,  and  on  our  side  not  above  six  ;  one  aboard  [me], 
three  in  the  Mermaid,  and  two  in  the  Eltham  ;  and  most  of 
these  by  our  own  guns.* 

"  Edward  Tyng." 

Upon  the  capture  of  this  ship  (the  Vigilant)  Doctor  Douglass 
took  occasion  to  make  a  display  of  his  superior  knowledge  of 
naval  and  other  warlike  affairs.  The  following  is  extracted, 
not  for  the  value  of  his  opinions,  but  for  some  facts  then 
familiarly  known,  yet  not  recorded  by  others.  He  had  the 
acquaintance  of  the  French  commander  while  that  officer  was 
a  prisoner  at  Boston,  and  learned  from  him  several  particulars 
of  much  interest.  He  says  of  the  commander:  "  M.  le 
Marquis  de  la  Maison  Forte  was  son-in-law  to  M.  Chiconeou, 
first  physician  to  the  French  king.  This  gentleman  was  too 
rash  in  firing  ;  as  he  met  with  British  men  of  war,  he  should 
have  made  the  best  of  his  way  to  port,  and  only  have  put  his 
men  in  a  posture  to  prevent  boarding,  without  firing,  which 
stops  the  ship's  way,  and  have  received  the  fire  of  our  hips 
silently.  Notwithstanding  of  this  misconduct,  the  Marquis 
was  a  man  of  good  sense  and  observation,  he  made  this  good 
remark  ;  that  the  French  officers  of  Louisbourg,  in  bad  policy, 
hindered  the  English  from  viewing  at  all  times  the  strength  of 
their  forts ;  because  if  the  English  had  been  well  informed  of 
its  ctrength,  the  most  sanguine,  rash,  wrong-headed  person,  if 
not  a  natural  fool,  could  not  have  imagined  such  a  redudion 
without  regular  troops,  and  without  artillery."  Hence  the 
inference  from  this  historian's  assertion  is,  that  Gen.  Pepperrell, 

*  Had  the  Rev.  Mr.  Alden  seen  thia  the  captain,  tha<:  he  captured  the  Vigilant, 
letter  of  Captain  Tyng,  he  would  not  See  American  Epitapht,  I,  54.  Captain 
probably  have  stated,  in  hit  memoir  of    Tyng  certainly  doe*  not  make  tuch  claim. 


i  i 


:  l! 


-i 


M9P! 


! 


H     I  '! 


'  i 


I  'J 


i;  i  ^r. 


■I 


.1'     ' 

n  i.'; 

:   ■     ■>  i 

''     1'       ^ 

|:    i 

212 


^  Criticism. 


[Appendix. 


Gen.  Waldo,  Gov.  Shirley,  and  all  the  officers  engaged  in  the 
expedition,  however  experienced  in  fighting  the  Indians  and 
French  from  year  to  year,  and  all  the  prisoners  that  had  been 
captives  at  Louisbourg,  and  had  reported  upon  its  fortifications 
and  condition,  were  "  wrong-headed  person*!  if  not  natural 
fools ! "  It  is  now  left  for  the  future  reader  to  judge  where 
the  defeat  of  wrongheadedness  was  prominent  among  the  crani- 
ums  of  that  day  ;  while  it  may  be  conceded  that  the  French 
commander  committed  a  mistake  in  attempting  to  fight  the 
English  ships,  instead  of  making  all  sail  for  the  port  without 
losing  any  time ;  but  Mons.  Maison  Forte  was  fairly  surprised, 
having  no  knowledge  of  the  large  force  of  ships  on  the  lookout 
for  him.  In  the  'Journal  of  the  Siege  of  Louisbourg^  is  this  con- 
cise paragraph :  "  May  2i.  A  letter  came  to  the  General  from 
the  Commodore,  acquainting  him  he  had  taken  the  Vigilant,  a 
French  ship  ^f  sixty-four  guns ;  besides  the  Superb,  the  Mer- 
maid, Eltham,  Massachu!:etts  frigate,  and  Shirley  Galley,  were 
all  in  the  engagement,  and  at  the  taking  of  her.  *  Three  days 
after  the  taking  of  the  Vigilant,  Capt.  [Richard]  Edwards,  in 
the  Princess  Mary  of  sixty  guns,  joined  the  Commodore ;  and 
the  next  day  Capt.  [Frederick]  Cornwall,  in  thfi  Hedor  of 
forty  guns." 


r  i 


ifii 


UMlNilllllllllilHIiaH 


.■.■>.a*>.'M»n<w««L.- 


APPENDIX     D. 


Page  8i. 

LETTER  from  William  Shirley,  Esq.,  Governor 
of  Massachusetts  Bay,  to  his  Grace  the  Duke  of 
Newcastle,  with  a  journal  of  the  siege  of  Louis- 
bourg,  and  other  operations  of  the  forces,  during 
the  expedition  against  the  French  settlements  on  Cape  Breton ; 
drawn  up  at  the  desire  of  the  Council  and  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives of  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay  ;  approved 
and  attested  by  Sir  William  Pepperell,  and  the  other  principal 
officers  who  commanded  in  the  said  expedition.  Published  by 
authority.  London :  Printed  by  E.  Owen  in  Warwick  Lane, 
1746." 

Such  is  the  full  title  of  Governor  Shirley's  authentic  narrative 
of  the  expedition  against  Louisbourg.  It  is  an  admirably  well 
written  document,  and  would  be  copied  in  this  appendix  had 
not  al!,  or  nearly  all  its  facts  been  already  given  in  our  preceding 
r:iges  ;  and  it  not  being  our  objedt  to  go  more  into  this  part  of 
the  history ;  a  few  extra<^s,  however,  to  show  with  what 
admirable  clearness  the  Governor  has  narrated  the  fa6ls  here 
follow : 

In  his  "  Letter  to  the  Duke  of  Newcastle,"  dated  Oftobcr 
28th,  1745,  he  says:  "The  Council  and  House  of  Represent- 
atives of  the  Province,  under  my  government,  having  taken 
occasion,  in  a  late  address  to  me,  to  desire,  that  upon  my  arrival 
here,  '  I  would  give  orders,  that  a  full  account  of  the  proceed- 
ings of  the  New  England  forces  raised  under  my  commission, 
for  the  reduction  of  Cape  Breton,  during  the  late  siege  of  this 


f'^*»"i.«vi!:.i«i!i;it*ltifr!?!» 


214         Shirley  on  Capture  of  Louisbourg.  [Appendix. 


I 
1 

1 
j              i 

\A 

i 

5              1 
1 

» 

iV 

r 

( 

V 

t 

,  i 

■r. 


1 


i  ..■' 


place,  to  the  time  of  its  surrender,  should  be  transmitted  in  the 
most  efFedtual  manner,  and  as  soon  as  possible  to  his  Majesty.'* 
The  sum  of  this  account  ie.  that  the  New  England  troops 
having  sailed  from  Canso  the  29th  of  April,  till  which  time  they 
were  detained  there  by  the  unusual  quantity  of  ice  in  Chappeau- 
Rouge-Bay,  came  to  an  anchor  the  next  morning,  between 
nine  and  ten,  in  the  bay,  at  the  distance  of  about  two  miles 
from  Flat-Point  Cove,  where  being  discovered  by  the  enemy, 
a  party  of  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  men  were  detached  from 
Louisbourg,  under  the  command  of  Captain  Morepang  and  M. 
Boularderie,  to  oppose  their  landing ;  that  General  Pepperell 
having  made  a  feint  to  land  a  party  in  boats  at  the  Cove,  in 
order  to  draw  the  enemy  thither,  did,  by  a  signal  from  the 
vessels,  cause  those  boats  suddenly  to  row  back,  and  join 
another  party  of  boats  under  his  stern,  out  of  which  were 
landed,  at  two  miles  distance  from  the  Cove,  about  one  hundred 
of  our  men,  before  the  enemy  could  come  round  to  oppose 
them,  who,  notwithstanding  the  enemy  had  the  advantage  of 
being  covered  by  their  woods,  attacked  them  so  briskly,  that 
they  killed  six  of  them  upon  the  spot,  took  as  many  prisoners 
(among  whom  was  M.  Boularderie),  wounded  several  more, 
and,  after  exchanging  some  shot,  put  the  rest  to  flight  (some  of 
whom  were  taken  prisoners  the  next  day),  with  the  damage 
sustained  on  our  side,  of  only  two  men's  being  slightly  wounded. 
That  two  thousand  of  the  troops  were  landed  the  same  day, 
and  the   remainder,   being  near  two  thousand  more,  the  day 


*  It  wai  early  seen  by  people  of  dis- 
cernment, in  New  England,  that  the 
English  naval  officers  would,  or  might, 
through  a  selfish  jealousy,  attempt  to  rob 
the  army  of  its  hard  and  well  earned 
honors  in  the  expedition.     This  narrative 


letter  of  Governor  Shirley  was  to  coun- 
teract the  cffeA  of  any  claims  which 
might  be  made,  not  warranted  by  the 
genuine  faCls  taken  on  the  spot  at  the 
time,  and  amply  vouched  for  by  all  the 
chief  adtors  therein. — Ed. 


riH 


tmtm 


)iiiri...i.iTii;iMHTiii»i»>!i»iA' 


Appendix.]  Shirley  Oft  Capture  of  Louisbourg.         215 

following.  That  on  the  next  day,  a  detachment  of  four 
hundred  of  our  men*  marched  round  to  the  North-East  Har- 
bor, behind  the  range  of  hills  there,  where  they  burnt  all  the 
enemy's  houses  and  stores  in  that  neighborhood,  at  che  distance 
of  about  a  mile  from  the  Grand  Battery,  whereby  such  a 
terror  was  struck  into  them,  that  the  same  night  they  deserted 
that  battery,  leaving  the  artillery,  consisting  of  twenty-eight 
cannon  of  forty-two  pound  shot,  and  two  of  eighteen  pound, 
and  the  ordnance  stores  belonging  to  it  (except  the  powder, 
which  they  threw  i'  >  a  well),  so  precipitately  that  they  only 
spiked  up  their  cai  1  in  a  slight  manner,  without  knocking  off 
any  of  their  trunions,  or  doing  other  damage  to  them,  and  but 
very  little  to  the  carriages.  That  the  next  morning,  being  the 
third  of  May,  a  party  of  about  fifteen  or  sixteen  of  our  men 
discovered  that  the  enemy  had  abandoned  the  Grand  Battery, 
and  drove  off  a  party  of  them  which  attempted  to  reland  there 
that  morning,  in  boats,  notwithstanding  they  stood  on  the  open 
beach,  exposed  to  the  fire  of  the  enemy's  cannon  from  the 
town,  and  their  musquetry  from  the  boats. f  That  notwith- 
standing an  incessant  fire  from  the  enemy's  cannon  and  mortars 
in  the  town,  at  the  distance  of  five  thousand  nine  hundred  and 


11 


*  They  inarched  under  cover  of  night, 
and  were  led  by  Lieutenant-Colonel 
William  Vaughan.  The  buildings  which 
hit  party  let  on  fire  produced  a  dense 
•moke,  which  the  wind  carried  diredtly 
into  the  Grand  Battery.  This  was  the 
cause  of  its  being  abandoned  by  the 
enemy.  ^  See  Belknap's  History  New 
Hampihire  (Farmer's  edition),  p.  274.. 
The  four  hundred,  or  all  except  thirteen 
under  Vaughan,  appear  to  have  retreated 
after  setting  fire  to  the  storehouses. 

f  These  "fifteen  or  sixteen  men  "were 


of  Vaughan's  party,  Vaughan  himself  at 
the  head  of  them.  The  enemy  were 
coming  to  attempt  to  retake  the  Grand 
Battery ;  "  but  Vaughan,  with  his  small 
party,  on  the  naked  beach,  and  in  the 
face  of  a  smart  fire  from  the  city  and  the 
boats,  kept  them  from  landing,  till  the 
reinforcement  arrived.  In  every  duty  of 
fatigue  or  sanguine  adventure,  he  was 
always  ready ;  and  the  New  Hampshire 
troops,  animated  by  the  same  enthusiastic 
ardor,  partook  of  all  the  labon  and  dan- 
gers of  the  siege." — Belknaf. 


If 

1 

t    .■ 

I: 

;i 

tmmmmm 


■  ^1  I  i-i^   iii<i,id 


j; 

■.  1   ;;  : 

4  ,  :: 

•    i !    ;; 

■     1;  >      •? 

«■*..  ' 


21 6         Shirley  on  Capture  of  Louisbourg.  [Appendix. 

thirteen  feet  from  it,  and  from  the  Island  Battery,  at  the  distance 
of  four  thousand  eight  hundred  feet,  our  troops,  by  the  next 
day  cleared  three  of  the  cannon  in  the  Grand  Battery,  which 
pointed  against  the  town,  and  returned  their  fire  upon  the 
enemy  there,  and  also  from  other  of  the  guns,  which  pointed 
against  the  Island  Battery,  and  were  by  degrees  unspiked  in  a 
few  days.*  That  our  troops,  within  the  compass  of  twenty- 
three  days  from  the  time  of  their  first  landing,  erected  five 
facine  batteries  against  the  town,  consisting  of  cannon,  some 
forty-two  pound  shot,  and  others  of  twenty-two,  and  others  of 
nine  pound.  Mortars  of  thirteen,  eleven,  and  nine  inches 
diameter,  with  some  cohorns  ;  all  which  were  transported  by 
hand.  But  notwithstanding  these  difficulties,  and  many  of  the 
people  being  barefooted  and  almost  without  clothes,  by  means 
of  this  service,  in  which  they  had  worn  them  out,  and  their 
being  taken  down  with  fluxes,  so  that  at  one  time  there  were 
fifteen  hundred  men  incapable  of  duty,  occasioned  by  their 
fatigue,  they  went  on  cheerfully  without  being  discouraged,  or 
murmuring,  and,  by  the  help  of  sledges,  transported  the  cannon 
and  mortars  over  these  ways,  which  the  French  had  always 
thought  impassable  for  such  heavy  weights,  and  was  indeed 


■'fe*?- 


■^'i''-  '<^ 


1** 'lli'^^'i 


*  Some  singular  incidents,  which  the 
general  plan  of  the  Governor's  narrative 
did  not  admit  of  his  going  into,  are  not 
to  be  overlooked  :  a  few  are  here  given  : 
"  The  next  morning  [after  the  enemy 
had  been  smoked  out  of  the  Grand  Bat- 
tery], at  Vaughan  was  returning  with 
thirteen  men  only,  he  crept  up  the  hill 
which  overlooked  the  Battery,  and 
observed,  that  the  chimneys  of  the  bar- 
racks were  without  smoke,  and  the  staff 
without  a  flag,  with  a  bottle  of  brandy, 
which  he  had  in  hig  pocket  (though  he 


never  drank  ardent  spirits),  he  hired  one 
of  his  party,  a  Cape  Cod  Indian,  to  crawl 
in  at  an  embrasure,  and  open  the  gate. 
He  then  wrote  to  the  General,  'May  it 
please  your  honor,  to  be  informed,  that 
by  the  grace  of  God,  and  the  courage  of 
thirteen  men,  I  entered  the  Royal  Battery, 
about  9  o'clock,  and  am  waiting  for  a  rein- 
forcement and  a  flag.*  Before  either  could 
arrive,  one  of  the  men  climbed  up  the 
stafl^,  with  a  red  coat  in  his  teeth,  which 
he  fastened  by  a  nail  to  the  top."  Vaughn 
was  a  volunteer  without  command. 


iiiiy..»iiii'  nii'tiii  |i|l><iii>i|i'it>i;<iiimin'i.iiil»  iltiliiiiilitniiiimii 


•~>>'<)fiMMM*iMMMMMM>-  — 


Appendix.  ]    Siege  and  Capture  of  Louis  hour g.  217 

impracticable  by  any  people  of  less  resolution  and  perseverance, 
or  less  experience  in  removing  heavy  bodies ;  and  besides  this, 
they  had  all  their  provisions  and  heavy  ammunition,  which  they 
daily  made  use  of,  to  bring  from  the  camp  over  the  same  way 
upon  their  backs. 

"  To  annoy  our  people  in  making  their  approaches,  and  carry- 
ing on  their  batteries,  the  enemy  eredted  new  works,  where 
they  mounted  some  cannon,  from  whence,  as  well  as  from  the 
cannon  of  other  batteries,  and  from  their  mortars,  they  continu- 
ally maintained  a  strong  fire,  till  their  cannon  was  silenced  by 
being  dismounted,  or  having  their  men  beat  off  by  our  cannon. 

"The  most  advanced  of  our  live  batteries,  which  was  finished 
on  the  17th  of  May,  was  within  a  distance  of  two  hundred  and 
fifty  yards  from  the  west  gate  of  the  town  j  so  that  from  this 
battery  several  of  the  enemy  were  killed  by  our  musquetry,  as 
were  some  of  our  men  by  the  enemy's  from  the  walls  ;  and 
indeed  this  battery  was  so  near  the  enemy's  works,  that  our 
men  were  obliged  to  load  the  cannon  there  under  the  fire  of 
their  musquetry,  which  was  very  sharp  on  both  sides,  the  enemy 
generally  opening  the  ad^ion  every  morning  with  the  fire  of 
their  small  arms  upon  this  battery,  for  two  hours,  which  was 
constantly  returned  with  advantage  on  our  side.  The  execution 
done  from  these,  and  the  Grand  Battery,  was  very  considerable. 
The  west  gate  was  entirely  beat  down,  the  wail  adjoining  very 
much  battered,  and  a  breach  made  in  it  at  about  ten  feet  from 
the  bottom  of  the  wall.  The  Circular  Battery  of  sixteen 
cannon,  twenty-four  pounders,  near  the  west  gate  (and  the 
principal  one  against  ships  next  to  the  Grand  Battery  and  Island 
Battery),  was  almost  entirely  ruined,  and  all  the  cannon  but 
three,  dismounted.  Their  north-east  battery,  consisting  of  two 
lines  of  forty-two  and  thirty-two  pounders,  in  all  seventeen 


ii'^im»»iiii)i|i>iii 


!!■ :! 


'',      I 


•  'hi^ 

i:- 

1 '  '{ 

1 

B    i 

■'I 

1 

\ 

2 1 8  Siege  and  Capture  of  Louis  hour g.    [Appendix. 

cannon,  another  principal  battery  against  ships,  was  damaged, 
and  the  men  beat  off  from  their  guns.  The  west  flank  of  the 
King's  Bastion  belonging  to  the  citadel,  and  the  battery  there  of 
six  twenty-four  pounders,  which  pointed  to  the  land  side,  and 
greatly  annoyed  our  works,  was  almost  demolished.  Two 
cavaliers  of  two  twenty-four  pounders,  each  raised  during  the 
siege,  and  two  other  cannon  of  the  same  weight  of  metal,  run 
out  at  two  embrazures,  cut  through  the  parapet  near  the  west 
gate  at  the  same  time  (all  pointing  against  our  batteries),  were 
damaged  and  silenced.  The  citadel  was  very  much  damaged  ; 
several  houses  in  the  city  entirely  demolished,  and  almost  every 
one  more  or  less  hurt ;  and  Maurepas  Gate,  at  the  easternmost 
part  of  the  city,  shattered.  And  as  cross  fires  from  the  cannon 
and  tnortars,  and  even  from  our  musquetry,  ranged  through 
the  houses  and  streets  in  every  part  of  the  city,  and  through 
the  enemy's  parades,  whereby  many  were  killed,  it  drove  the 
inhabitants  out  of  their  houses  into  casemates,  and  other  covered 
holds,  where  they  were  obliged  to  take  refuge  for  several  weeks ; 
and  besides  this,  the  fire  from  the  Grand  Battery  damaged  also 
the  barracks  of  the  Island  Battery. 

*'  During  this  time,  our  parties  of  scouts  so  thoroughly  ranged 
the  woods,  that  they  seldom  returned  without  bringing  in  some 
prisoners,*  which  very  much  confined  the  enemy  within  their 
walls,  who  were  constantly  worsted  in  all  skirmishes,  and 
repulsed  in  every  sally  which  they  made,  and  frequently  by  an 
inferior  number  of  our  men,  and  with  very  little  loss,  upon 
these  occasions,  sustained  on  our  side,  the  chief  of  which  was 
a  party  of  eighteen  of  our  men  straggling  contrary  to  orders, 

*  There  were  some  of  our  men  sur-  going  on  iljore  unarmed,  as  will  presently 
prised  by  tlie  Indians  in  their  straggling  be  seen,  though  the  exad  date  is  not 
in  the  neighboring  woods,  and   some  by     learned.    Ed. 


iifiii 


i;n-f  i 


itm4iJ,i,k  i,bii^Ahii>tAiiUi»iirl,  .< 


Appendix.]    Siege  and  Capture  of  houisbourg.  2 1 9 

being  surprised  and  cut  off  by  a  large  number  of  Indians,  and 
another  of  nine,  coming  on  shore  out  of  one  of  the  cruisers  to 
water,  without  their  arms,  being  likewise  surprised  and  cut  off 
by  some  Indians.*  That  on  the  26th  of  May,  after  some 
ineft'eitual  preparations  for  making  an  attack  upon  the  enemy's 
Island  Battery,  which  is  a  strong  fort  built  on  a  rocky  island,  at 
the  entrance  into  the  harbor,  mounted  with  thirty  cannon  of 
twenty-eight  pound  shot,  and  having  several  swivel  guns  upon 
its  breast  works,  and  two  brass  ten  inch  mortars,  and  one 
hundred  and  eighty  men,  it  was  at  night  attempted  by  a  party 
of  four  hundred  men  in  boats  ;  but  from  the  strength  of  the 
place,  and  the  advantage  which  the  enemy  had  by  being  under 
cover,  and  our  men  exposed  in  open  boats,  the  surf  running 
high,  our  men  not  being  thoroughly  acquainted  with  the  best 
place  for  landing,  and  the  enemy  besides  (as  is  most  probable), 
being  apprised  of  their  design,  they  were  repulsed  with  the  loss 
of  having  about  sixty  killed  and  drowned,  and  one  hundred  and 
sixteen  taken  prisoners ;  yet  under  these  disadvantages,  several 
of  them  advanced  within  the  enemy's  battery,  and  maintained 
a  fight  with  them  for  some  time  before  they  surrendered,  and 
killed  some  of  them.  That  it  being  judged  of  the  utmost  con- 
sequence to  make  ourselves  masters  of  the  Island  Battery,  as 
it  was  thought  extremely  dangerous  for  his  Majesty's  ships  to 
have  entered  the  harbor  till  the  enemy  could  be  annoyed  in  that 
battery  \  and  it  being  after  the  last  attempt  thought  impracticable 
to  reduce  it  by  boats,  it  was  determined  to  ere<Sl  a  battery  near 
the  Light-House  opposite  to  it,  at  three  thousand  four  hundred 
feet  distance  from  it ;  and  the  same  was,  by  the  nth  of 
June,  notwithstanding  the  almost  insuperable  difficulties,  which 

*  These  two  serious  disasters  are  omit-     War,"  published  two  years  later.      The 
ted    in    our    author's  "Memoirs  of  the     particulars  should  have  been  given.     Ed. 


iili  iMiili  n  iim 


!'l  :    ;i 


.   I 


HI: 


I. 


i  i; 


r;  "i  ff't 


2 20         Siege  and  Capture  of  Loutsbourg.    [Appendix. 

attended  the  drawing  of  the  cannon  up  a  steep  bank  and  rock, 
raised  in  such  manner,  as  not  to  be  exposed  to  more  than  four 
of  the  enemy' i  cannon,  and  at  the  same  time  to  flank  a  line  of 
above  twenty  of  their  guns  ;  and  two  eighteen  pounders  were 
on  that  day  mounted,  and  began  to  play,  and  by  the  14th  of 
June,  four  more  cannon  of  eighteen  pound  shot  were  added, 
and  on  the  15th,  a  mortar  of  thirteen  inches  diameter  was 
removed  thither,  out  of  which  nineteen  bombs  were  thrown, 
seventeen  whereof  fell  within  the  Island  Battery,  and  one  of 
them  upon  the  magazine  -,  and  this,  together  with  the  fire  from 
our  cannon,  to  which  the  enemy  was  very  much  exposed,  they 
having  but  little  to  shelter  them  from  the  shot,  which  ranged 
quite  through  their  line  of  barracks,  so  terrified  them,  that 
many  of  them  left  the  fort,  and  ran  into  the  wacer  for  refuge. 
And  now  the  Grand  Battery  being  in  our  possession,  the  Island 
Battery  (esteemed  by  the  French  the  Palladium  of  Louisbourg), 
so  much  annoyed  from  the  Lighti-House  Battery,  that  they 
could  not  entertain  hopes  of  keeping  it  much  longer ;  the 
enemy's  North-East  Battery  being  damaged,  and  so  much 
exposed  to  the  fire  from  our  advanced  batteries,  that  they  could 
not  stand  to  their  guns  ;  the  Circular  Battery  ruined,  and  all  its 
guns  but  three  dismounted,  whereby  the  Jiarbor  was  disarmed 
of  all  its  principal  batteries  ;  the  west  gate  of  the  city  being 
demolished,  and  a  breach  made  in  the  adjoining  wall ;  the  west 
flank  of  the  King's  Bastion  almost  ruined  ;  and  most  of  their 
other  guns,  which  had  been  mounted  during  the  time  of  the 
siege,  being  silenced  ;  all  the  houses  and  other  buildings  within 
the  city  (some  of  which  were  quite  demolished)  so  damaged, 
that  but  one  among  them  was  left  unhurt ;  the  enemy  extremely 
harassed  by  their  long  confinement  within  their  casemates,  and 
other  covered  holds,  and  their  stock  of  ammunition  being  almost 


r« 

m 

I  ^^ 

¥ 

' 

li' 

^ttHtoHl 


t  .mniBii'iHiii  »]u 


■*N>«nirifcMMI«ik«A4«lMkMil**MWt«lM»i^^^ 


Appendix.]    Siege  and  Capture  of  Louisbourg, 


2Zl 


V  y' 


exhausted)  Mr.  Duchambon  sent  out  a  flag  of  truce  to  the 
camp  on  the  1 5th  day  of  June,  in  the  afternoon,  desiring  time 
to  consider  of  articles  of  capitulation,  which  was  accordingly 
granted  them  till  next  morning,  when  they  sent  articles  in, 
which  v/ere  rejected  by  the  General  and  Commodore,  and  others 
proposed  by  them  in  their  stead,  and  accepted  by  the  enemy. 
And  hostages  being  exch:  nged  on  the  same  day  for  the  per- 
formance of  the  articles,  on  the  17th  of  June  the  city  was 
surrendered  to  Mr.  Warren  and  General  Pepperell,  and  the 
garrison,  consisting  of  about  six  hundred  and  Bfty  regular  troops, 
and  the  inhabitants  of  the  city,  being  about  thirteen  hundred 
and  sixty  efFcdtive  men,  beside .  women  and  children,  made  pris- 
oners by  capitulation,  with  the  loss  on  our  side  of  no  more  than 
one  hundred  and  one  men  killed  by  the  enemy,  and  all  other 
accidents  from  the  time  of  their  landing  to  the  reduilion  of  the 
place,  and  about  thirty  who  died  of  sickness.* 

"  I  omit  mentioning  the  breaking  up  of  the  settlements  at 
St.  Peters,  and  eight  other  fishing  settlements  upon  this  island ; 
and  the  burning  of  several  houses  at  St.  John's  Island  within 
the  time  of  the  siege,  by  companies  put  on  board  of  some  of 
our  cruisers." 

On  the  1 2th  of  September,  M.  De  Beauharnois  and  M. 
Hocquart  wrote  to  Count  Maurepas :  f  "  You  will  have  been 
informed,  long  before  this  reaches  you,  of  our  loss  of  Louis- 
bourg.    The  officers  of  the  garrison,  and  particularly  those 

*  M.  Duchambon  wrote  to  the  Count 
D'Argenson,  August  13th  [N.  S.]  1745, 
from  Belle  Isle  Road  :  "  The  enemy  was 
greatly  supe.ior  in  number  to  us,  having 
about  thirteen  thousand  sea  and  land 
forces,  and  I  had  at  the  commencement 
of  the  siege,  including  good  and  bad,  but 
twelve    to    thirteen   hundred    men,  who 


hare  been  reduced  to  eleven  hundred." — 
N.  r.  Col.  Doa.,  X,  3.  It  would  be 
interesting  to  know  how  Mr.  Duchambon 
made  out  his  thirteen  thousand  men  for 
the  English.  Dr.  Douglass's  charge  of 
pohroonary  may  not  have  been  very  wide 
of  the  truth.  See  antt,  p.  54.  Ed. 
f  See  N.  r.  Col.  Docs.,  X,  p.  3.     EJ. 


f 

t' 
I 

p 

!fii 

:1 

i                           '1' 

;i:1 


iii. 

1;    ' 

-!■■ 

, 

222         Siege  and  Capture  of  Louisbourg.    [ A ppendix. 

who  may  be  deserving  of  your  confidence  will  have  rendered 
you  an  account  of  all  the  circumstances  which  have  accom- 
panied the  blockade,  the  siege  and  the  surrender  of  that  place. 
We  have  not  been  able  to  learn  any  particulars  thereof,  except 
from  some  seamen  who  made  their  escape,  from  time  to  time, 
from  the  different  harbors  of  Isle  Royal  [Cape  Breton],  and 
have  arrived  at  Quebec,  the  major  portion  of  them  in  Biscay- 
ennes  (long  boats);  among  the  rest  one  Lacroix  Girard,  ship 
master,  a  native  of  St.  Malo.  This  individual  was  in  the  place 
during  the  whole  of  the  siege  -,  his  journal  of  it  has  appeared 
to  us  true,  because  of  its  simplicity,  and  this  circumstance 
induces  us  to  address  you  a  copy  of  it.*  According  to  what 
M.  Duchambon  has  communicated  to  Sieur  Marin,  in  his  letter 
of  the  29th  of  June  last,  that  commandant  was  obliged  to 
capitulate,  on  account  of  want  of  men  and  powder,"  f 

These  gentlemen  give  !:he  English  great  credit  for  their  per- 
severance and  management  of  the  expedition.  They  do  not, 
like  some  pi  the  English,  attribute  all  their  success  to  good 
luck.  On  the  other  hand,  they  attribute  it  to  their  diligence, 
courage,  and  preparing  beforehand  to  meet  all  emergencies, 
although  they  take  into  the  account  the  favorableness  of  the 
weather  during  the  early  part  of  the  campaign,  namely,  in 
April,  May  and  June.  Capt.  Girard,  before  mentioned,  left 
Louisbourg  on  the  15th  of  July  [roth,  English  account].  He 
reported  that  the  English  had  at  that  time  begun  to  remove  the 
artillery  out  of  the  Vigilant,  and  place  it  upon  the  ramparts  of 
the  fortifications.  ' 

*  Thui  it  appears  there  was  a  journal  it  I  have  ever  met  with.      Ed. 
kept,  within  the  walls  as  well  as  without, 

of  the  famous  siege ;   but  that  kept  within         +  By  what  will  presently  be  seen,  there 

does  not  appear  ever  to  have  been  pub-  was  a  large  quantity  of  powder  found  in 

lished,  and  this  is  the  only  reference  to  the  city  by  the  captors.     Ed. 


M^ 


A  ppENDix.  ]    Siege  and  Capture  of  Louis  hour g.         223 

The  following  letter,  dated  Louisbourg,  July  4,  1 745,  is  not 
only  valuable  for  its  fa6ts,  but  for  the  pidlure  it  exhibits  of  the 
spirit  of  those  who  had  participated  in  the  great  acquisition. 
The  ensuing  is  an  extract : 

"The  more  I  view  the  works,  the  more  is  my  admiration, 
and  instead  of  twenty-five  hundred  [men]  for  the  attack  or 
siege,  if  the  strength  had  been  known  before,  ten  thousand 
would  not  have  been  thought  sufficient.  The  Island  and 
Grand  Batteries  are  the  weakest  of  their  works;  for  nature 
has  on  the  back  of  the  Grand  Battery  provided  a  shelter  for  an 
enemy's  bombarding  them  out,  which  Providence  gave  us  no 
occasion  for,  and  the  Light-House  the  same,  which  did  such 
execution  on  the  Island  Battery,  that  the  enemy  was  glad  they 
could  have  recourse  to  the  water  to  avoid  the  impending 
destruction  of  the  balls  and  bombs.  Our  men,  to  their  great 
honor,  have  been  perfeft  Herculcses  in  their  labors  and  fatigues, 
and  were  so  hardened  to  the  enemy's  fire,  that  they  would  run 
and  stop  the  career  of  the  shot,  before  they  had  run  their 
distance.  The  French  say  they  are  devils,  for  the  hotter  they 
fired,  the  nearer  advances  they  made  to  their  fire,  and  let  what 
will  have  been  said  to  their  prejudice,  four  times  their  number 
of  regular  troops  would  not  have  undergone  the  Herculean 
labors  of  drawing  forty-two  pounders  over  hills  and  dales,  rocks 
and  swamps,  three  or  four  miles.  God  has  greatly  blessed  the 
whole  undertaking  ;  and  to  describe  the  strength  of  Louisbourg 
city,  and  the  vast  labors  of  the  French  in  casting  up  works 
while  besieged,  is  beyond  my  pen  to  express  ;  and  the  additions 
we  are  making  of  forty  pieces  of  cannon  out  of  the  Launceston, 
will   make  it  almost  impregnable.*     Underneath  is  an  account 

*  The  armament  was  taken  out  of  of  the  prisoners,  who  were  to  be  tram- 
that  ship  to  prepare  her  for  the  reception     ported  to  France  in  her.     EJ. 


»! 


! 


!t 


i 


min 


■;i: 


224         Siege  and  Capture  0/ LouisSourg.    [Appendix. 

of  the  guns  and  ammunition  found  in  the  several  batteries,  viz  : 
in  the  town,  one  hundred  and  forty-eight  embrazures,  eighty- 
five  cannon,  Rve  brass  mortars,  and  one  iron.  In  the  Island 
Battery,  thirty-four  embrazures,  thirty  cannon,  two  brass 
mortars,  two  small  brass  mortars  in  the  store.  In  the  Grand 
Battery,  thirty  cannon.  Found  in  the  town  and  the  Island 
Battery,  one  hundred  and  twelve  barrels  of  gunpowder,  and 
some  cartridges." 

To  avoid  foot  notes  the  above  paragraphs  have  been  interpo- 
lated into  Governor  Shirley's  letter,  which  is  here  resumed. 
This  closing  part  of  the  letter  is  separate  from  the  narrative 
part,  and  was  evidently  added  to  impress  on  the  home  govern- 
ment the  great  and  just  claims  which  New  England  had  in  the 
acquisition  of  Cape  Breton. 

"  By  this  representation  of  the  services  of  his  Majesty's 
land  forces,  I  would  not  be  understood  to  intend  to  exclude  his 
Majesty's  ships  from  their  just  share  in  the  redudtion  of  this 
place.  Mr.  Warren,  upon  whom  I  very  much  depended  from 
the  beginning  for  assistance  and  success  in  this  enterprise,  did, 
upon  his  receiving  orders  by  his  Majesty's  sloop  Hind,  the  9th 
of  March,  to  proceed  to  Boston,  and  concert  measures  with 
me  for  the  protection  of  Nova  Scotia,  and  the  annoyance  of 
the  enemy's  settlements,  &c.,  immediately  proceeded  with  his 
Majesty's  ships  Superb,  Mermaid,  and  Launceston,  under  his 
command,  for  Boston  ;  but,  upon  getting  intelligence  at  sea  of 
the  departure  of  the  New  England  land  forces  for  Canso, 
though  he  was  then  within  thirty  leagues  of  Boston,  without 
refreshments,  or  his  complement  of  ordnance  stores,  and  one 
of  his  ships  not  very  fit  for  immediate  service,  sailed  dire£lly 
for  that  place,  where,  having  overtaken  the  forces,  and  conferred 
with  the  General  by  letter,  upon  his  Majesty's   service  in  the 


'i 


ff;f 
t»j'  ■ 


•-.^ihUU^SJtXk^'tSilt^. 


■4tl»l 


III  ii  111^  iVi'  |ir»»l»il« 


■> 


A ppBNDix. ]   Siege  and  Capture  of  Louis bourg.  ii^ 

expedition  }  and  it  being  thought  advisable  by  both,  that  the 
ships  should  diredlly  progeed  before  Louisbourg  harbor  to  cut 
ofF  aU  supplies  and  intelligence  from  the  enemy,  immediately 
proceeded  there,  and  most  efFedtually  blocked  up  the  harbor ; 
and  by  engaging  and  taking  the  Vigilant,  a  French  ship  of  war 
of  sixty-four  guns,  bound  for  Louisbourg  with  some  ordnance 
stores,  cut  off  from  the  enemy  all  hopes  of  any  supplies  or 
succors,  and  gave  great  spirits  to  the  land  forces  in  carrying  on 
the  siege  ;  and  afterwards,  upon  his  Majesty's  ship  Chester's 
arrival  from  England,  to  reinforce  him,  and  receiving  advice 
that  the  Canterbury  and  Sunderland  were  following,  determined 
to  enter  the  harbor  as  soon  as  those  ships  should  join  him,  and 
attack  the  town  and  batteries  with  his  Majesty's  ships,  whilst 
the  land  forces  made  an  assault  upon  the  city  by  land  \  which 
was  agreed  on,  between  Mr.  Warren  and  the  General,  to  be 
made  the  i6th  of  June,  and  the  ships  were  accordingly  clearing 
on  the  15th  of  June,  in  ordei  to  enter  the  harbor,  but  were 
prevented  by  the  enemy's  making  proposals  for  a  capitulation. 
And  indeed,  Mr.  Warren  offered  his  assistance  for  his  Majesty's 
service  in  every  shape. 

*•*■  It  is  unnecessary  for  me  to  trouble  your  Grace  with  a 
detail  of  the  plans  proposed  during  the  siege  for  a  more  speedy 
reduction  of  the  place  ;  as  far  as  I  can  judge,  it  was  efFedted 
most  happily  in  the  manner  which  it  was  reduced  in,  as  the 
success  of  the  event  was  much  more  secure  in  this  way  ;  and 
it  has  cost  fewer  lives ;  and  the  place  was  gained  without  the 
least  damage  being  done  to  any  of  his  Majesty's  ships.  ■  ' 

"  I  hope  these  services  of  the  New  England  troops  in  the 

field,  which  seem  to  have  equalled  the  zeal  of  the  Massachusetts 

Council  and  Assembly  within  their  province,  for  his  Majesty's 

service,  upon  this  occasion,  may  be  graciously  accepted  by  his 

Dd  .  r 


ml  t      *? 


! 


>i  i 


0- 


'i'M 


ij 


m 


226         Siege  and  Capture  of  Louis bourg.    [Appendix. 

Majesty,  as  a  proof  of  that  perfect  duty  and  firm  loyalty  which, 
I  am  persuaded,  all  the  colonies  concerned  in  the  reduftion  of 
this  place  (but  especially  that  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  for 
which  I  can  more  particularly  answer),  bear  to  his  Majesty's 
sacred  person,  and  to  his  government,  and  of  their  ready  dispo- 
sition to  promote  the  general  welfare  of  his  dominions ;  and 
I  humbly  beg  of  your  Grace  to  lay  this  account  before  his 
Majesty,  in  such  manner  as  your  Grace  shall  think  most  proper. 

"  I  am,  &c., 
■  W.    SHIRLEY." 


',;,  .V--.5  v,v 


<fi)'rt)ifn(il[.liiHr»t|ifjfi 


Ml'  iii;i  W,  ilii  «i!  wiii|«  ]t  li liiiAi. 1 1  iViiuT'it  .Ti^  •  'iiiiirii .Hi if. 


SUFFERERS  IN  THE  CAPE  BRETON   EXPEDITION. 


|HE  following  list  has  been  prepared  from  the  General 
Court  Journals  and  other  materials.  It  is  not  given 
as  complete  in  any  respect,  but  to  "aid  those  who 
may  desire  to  do  something  more  in  the  same  line. 
A  principal  design  being  to  notice  such  as  are  not  met  with  in 
the  general  accounts  of  the  period  : 

yflieriy  Benjamin.  In  answer  to  a  petition  to  the  General 
Court  of  Massachusetts,  was  allowed  "two  pounds  and  fourteen 
shillings,  in  full  for  wages  and  expenses  in  sickness,"  while  in 
the  Louisbourg  expedition. 

Jllen^  Joseph^  was  allowed  four  pounds  and  ten  shillings  for 
his  services  and  sufferings  in  the  expedition,  in  August,  1746. 
He  had  previously  petitioned.  '  •  -  'h 

Bacon^  Ebenezer^  was  of  Woodstock,  "  being  wounded  and 
lost  his  gun,  valued  at  twelve  pounds,  O.  T.,"  was  allowed 
three  pounds  for  his  gun,  and  "  four  pounds  for  loss  of  time, 
sufferings,  &c." 

Bane,  David^  was  of  York ;  went  as  a  volunteer,  and  had 
received  no  recompense.  On  the  9th  of  January,  1747,  the 
General  Court  voted  him  ten  pounds.  The  family  name  was 
doubtless  Btan,  which  was  generally  pronounced  as  given  in  the 
records.  Bane.  He  was  probably  a  son  of  Joseph  Bean,  long 
time  a  captive  among  the  Indians,  and  an  interpreter  between 
the  English  and  Indians  on  many  important  occasions.  He  was 
at  the  treaty  of  1749,  and  1753,  and  is  frequently  mentioned  in 


ir 


Sf 


iim       I  *1 


a- 


i; 


-_♦■  ■ 


228  Sufferers  in  the  Louis b our g  Expedition.  [Appendix. 

the  affairs  of  those  times.  He  was  afterwards  a  captain,  and 
employed  in  building  the  fort  at  Penobscot,  and  in  1759  peti- 
tioned for  additional  wages.  "  Steeven  "  Beane,  aged  twenty, 
and  Thomas  Beane,  aged  twenty-one,  were  emigrants  to  America 
in  1635. 

Barotty  Timothy:  He  belonged  to  Westford,  had  an  allow- 
ance granted  him  for  wounds  received  during  the  expedition,  and 
on  the  13th  of  November,  1746,  another  of  five  pounds. 

Belly  John^  was  an  armourer  in  the  expedition.  He  appears 
to  have  been  incapacitated  by  sickness,  and  to  have  returned 
home  in  consequence,  but  recovered  and  went  a  second  time. 
On  the  13th  of  August,  1746,  a  petition  of  his  and  Edward 
Bemis  was  a<fted  upon  in  the  General  Court  of  Massachusetts ; 
said  petuiu/*  setting  forth,  that  they  "  having  done  great  service 
in  that  mystery"  as  armourers.  The  Court  instructed  the 
Committee  of  war  to  "  allow  them  wages  of  armourers  from 
the  17th  of  April,  1745,  to  June  17th,  following,  they  not 
having  been  paid  in  any  other  capacity  for  that  time."  At  the 
same  time  an  order  was  passed  "  to  pay  John  Bell  seven  pounds 
six  shillings  and  six  pence,  old  tenor,  on  account  of  his  sickness 
after  his  first  return  from  Louisbourg,  provided  the  Committee 
have  not  allowed  him  therefor  already."  The  same  individual 
probably  had  been  wounded  in  an  earlier  war  with  the  Indians, 
and  twenty-four  pounds  were  voted  for  his  benefit. 

Bemisy  Edward.  Nothing  further  is  met  with  concerning 
him  than  is  contained  in  the  last  article. 

Bennety  Moses.  In  answer  to  the  application  of  Captain 
Bennet,  the  General  Court  voted  (August  12th,  1746),  not  to 
allow  him  for  services  in  the  brigantine  Boston  Packet,  because 
she  was  sent  out  without  the  Court's  authority,  and  at  a  time 
when  there  was  no  enemy  on  the  coast.     But  it  is  likely  the 


\Amni^!*,-KtHm*tmmt»i»mvMttt»<mt'Hitiitti,lM^<fiMa,i.^  . 


Ilf  l/rt'  T-^Mf  i  1*  IfM^^ 


Appendix.]  Sufferers  in  the  Louis  hour g  Expedition.   229 

Captain  made  it  appear  that  he  had  authority  for  his  voyage,  for 
just  a  month  later  the  Court  voted  to  allow  his  muster  roll,  from 
the  lOth  of  May  to  June  23d,  following. 

Bouren^  Meletiah^  in  a  petition  to  the  General  Court,  it  set 
forth,  "  that  the  Council  of  War,  on  the  25th  of  April,  1 745, 
at  Chapeaurouge  Bay,  ordered  him,  with  William  Winslow 
(since  deceased),  to  receive  a  quantity  of  molasses  of  a  prize 
brigantine,  brought  into  said  bay  by  Captain  Donahew,  for  the 
use  of  the  forces  there,  to  the  value  of  fifteen  hundred  and 
twenty-five  pounds  and  fifteen  shillings  ;  that  he  drew  upon  the 
Committee  of  War  in  Boston  for  the  said  sum,  in  favor  of 
Captain  Samuel  Waldo,  who  a£ted  as  agent  to  said  Donahew, 
but  the  Committee  refused  to  pay  said  draft  to  said  Waldo  ; 
thereupon  the  said  Waldo  protested  said  draft,  and  has  com- 
menced an  adlion  against  him,  the  said  Bourne."  Mr.  Bourne 
belonged  to  Sandwich,  and  was  the  father  of  the  Hon.  Sylvanus 
Bourne,  who  died  in  1763,  at  the  age  of  seventy.         ;:;= 

Buckler^  Robert^  was  a  volunteer.  In  answer  to  a  petition 
for  relief,  it  appears  "  his  services  and  sufferings  "  were  of  more 
than  an  ordinary  character,  as  twelve  pounds  and  ten  shillings 
were  promptly  voted  him,  "  for  his  present  relief." 

Burn^  Patrick^  belonged  to  Wenham.  With  Joseph  Wood- 
ward Lovett,  Elisha  Nevers,  Joseph  Allen,  and  Benjamin 
Raymond,  he  petitioned  for  an  allowance  on  account  of  his 
"  services  and  sufferings,"  August  7th,  1 746.  On  the  6th  of 
September  following,  the  Committee  of  War  were  ordered  to 
pay  to  the  seledimen  of  Wenham,  seven  pounds  and  ten  shillings 
**  in  full,"  for  the  use  of  the  said  Burn. 

Butler^  Richard^  of  Boston,  set  forth  in  a  petition,  that  "  he 
enlisted  in  the  Cape  Breton  expedition,  was  then  a  servant  to 
James  Davaricks,  who  has  since  absconded,  and  neither  instru^s 


i: 


■  xi L.-a.^.>^L.,.»'.^'j.*-..:.!i.    L.t      lA.t  ...u.,..         .,..1    .      y..H  y.,^i>^^^^Y^..  .f.,  y.-^^.^    -^  j^f,.     ^    ■ 


!    t 


H. 


230  Sufferers  in  the  Louishourg  Expedition.  [Appendix. 

him  in  his  trade,  nor  allows  him  any  subsistence  ;"  asks  for 
wages  due  him  while  in  the  service.  Nothing  was  allowed  him, 
at  least  at  this  time,  perhaps  on  the  ground  iliat  his  master  had 
received  his  wages.      „'*■"■;■  //■^"■-''■''■"■■■-■J;:'';-:,/^ 

•  Buxton^  Stephen^  showed  by  a  petition,  that  he  was  impressed 
into  the  service  in  April,  1 746,  and  was  sent  home  again  in 
July  following  ;  that  by  the  muster  roll  he  was  only  allowed  for 
that  time ;  yet  "  by  his  wounds  he  was  incapable  of  service  for 
a  long  time  after."  He  was  allowed  pay  for  nineteen  weeks 
additional,  at  twenty-two  shillings  and  six  pence  a  week  }  and 
in  March  following  an  order  passed  to  pay  him  ten  pounds  and 
thirteen  shillings  additional. 

Carr.^  Richard^  belonged  to  Newbury.  He  was  in  the  des- 
perate attack  on  the  Island  Battery,  on  the  night  of  the  26th  of 
May  (1745),  in  which  he  lost  two  of  his  fingers.  Five  pounds 
were  ordered  to  be  paid  him,        •  i  ■      ^'';         >    ;^ 

Cheney^  William^  "  petitioned  in  behalf  of  himself,  and 
company  of  volunteers,  under  the  command  of  Captain  John 
Ruggles,  who  went  to  Cape  Breton,  for  further  allowance." 
The  petition  was  dismissed. 

Choate.  Mention  is  made  of  "  Colonel  Choate's  regiment," 
but  nothing  is  met  with  to  show  that  it  was  in  the  expedition. 

Clark^  Edward.  "Whereas,  on  the  31st  of  January  last 
[1746-7],  the  following  vote  passed,  namely,  that  Edward 
Clark  be  allowed  lieutenant's  wages,  from  May  29th,  1 745,  to 
September  30th,  following,  which  vote  is  mislaid  and  not 
recorded ;  voted,  that  he  be  allowed,"  &c. 

Cqbb^  Sylvanus.  A  letter  is  received  by  the  Secretary  of  the 
Province,  from  Admiral  Townsend,  who  is  at  Louisbourg, 
dire£led  to  his  Excellency ;  also  a  journal  of  Sylvanus  Cobb, 
October  nth,  1746. 


wr 


^wwwywitu  i»iiiwni<np»«a»tij— 


Appendix.]  Sufferers  in  the  Louis  hour g  Expedition.  231 

Covell^  William^  served  in  Captain  Doane's  company.  He 
received  a  hurt  in  his  shoulder,  and  petitioned  for  some  assistance 
on  account  of  it.  The  Court  gave  his  petition  a  negative  j 
from  which  circumstance  it  may  be  inferred  that  the  applicant 
did  not  receive  his  hurt  in  the  service. 

Crecey^  Joseph,  belonged  to  Ipswich.  He  petitioned  for 
*'  consideration,"  having  been  employed  to  take  care  of  sick 
soldiers  at  Cape  Breton.  Whether  he  went  as  a  soldier,  or 
yfh^*  was  the  success  of  his  application,  does  not  appear. 

Cro.hyy  yosiahy  sets  forth  in  a  petition,  that  by  order  of  the 
Governor  he  enlisted  twenty-five  men  for  the  garrison  at 
Louisbourg  ;  that  three  of  them  deserted,  to  whom  he  had 
advanced  forty-four  pounds,  old  tenor  ;  that  he  had  ako  advanced 
one  hundred  and  eighty-nine  pounds  for  billetting  the  men  ;  he 
therefore  prays  for  reimbursement.  It  was  dismissed  by  the 
Court,  July  25th,  1746.  The  matter  was  brought  up  again 
on  the  15th  of  November  following,  and  referred  to  the  next 
sitting  of  the  Court.  s^ 

Dalhonde^  John^  was  of  Boston.  On  the  7th  of  August, 
1746,  he  petitioned  the  General  Court  for  remuneration 
**respe£king  his  extraordinary  services  in  the  late  expedition 
against  Louisbourg."  He  at  the  same  time  prayed  for  allow- 
ance on  account  of  the  services  of  his  servant  on  board  the 
brigantine  Boston  Packet.  The  Court  ordered  the  petitions  to 
be  dismissed.  He  had  served  as  a  physician,  and  why  this 
summary  refusal  to  entertain  his  petitions  was  taken  is  not  fully 
explained  ;  it  seems,  however,  that  a  committee  was  appointed 
to  examine  the  matter,  who,  on  the  15th  of  August  following, 
stafed,  "  that  although  the  petitioner  received  no  warrant  from 
the  Governor  to  practice  as  a  doftor  in  the  army  at  Cape 
Breton,  yet  by  order  of  General  Peppercll  he  was  improved  as 


i!;S 


I 'in 


i, 
1 


i.„  ■  '■ 


I 


232  Sufferers  in  the  Louisbourg  Expedition.  [Appendix. 

»uch  }  and  especially  at  a  time  when  the  sickness  greatly  pre- 
vailed in  the  army,  and  scarcely  any  doftors  to  take  care  of  the 
sick  ;  therefore  it  was  voted  to  allow  him  do(^or's  wages." 

There  was  at  the  same  time  living  in  Boston,  another  Dr. 
Dalhonde,  of  the  given  name  of  Lavkrence  ;  whether  a  relative 
of  John,  does  not  appear.  Dr.  Lawrence  Dalhonde  was  the 
family  physician  of  Thomas  Hancock.  He  made  himself 
rather  unpopular  by  his  opposition  to  innoculation  of  the  small 
pox.  He  died  on  the  24th  of  November,  of  this  year  (1746), 
at  the  age  of  seventy-one.  His  wife,  Elizabeth,  was  executrix. 
She  died  previous  to  the  6th  of  April,  1749,  and  Mr.  Hugh 
Vans,  merchant,  was  het  executor. 

Davis^  Jedidiah^  represented  "his  sufferings"  in  a  petition 
of  the  29th  of  August,  1746.  No  action  is  found  taken 
upon  it.      ;•;,■•■•::- ■;■-'■•',■.:;..,  ^  ■'..'.:•.  ^'--i'    ,  s".  ,.-v'f 

Davis,  'John,  was  wounded.  On  December  30th,  five 
pounds  were  ordered  to  be  paid  him  ^'  for  smart  money  and  loss 
of  time ;"  and  on  the  2d  of  January  following,  another  five 
pounds  was  granted,  which  was  also  "  for  smart  money  and 
loss  of  time."  He  remained  sick  a  long  time,  in  the  house  of 
,  Robert  Thorndike.     See  Thorndike,  R. 

Dfxwell,  Bazii,  died  in  the  service  at  Cape  Breton.  He 
belonged  to  Captain  Goldthwait's  company,  and  was  a  lieutenant. 
Whether  he  were  a  descendant  of  the  Regicide  John,  perhaps 
the  editor  of  the  new  edition — long  promised — of  T  .  Stiles's 
History  of  the  Judges  of  Charles  I,  may  inform  the  reader.* 

Doane,  Elisha,  was  Captain  of  a  company,  and  was  one  of 
the  first,  who,  at  the  head  of  his  company,  started  for  Cape 
Breton.     On  the  24th  of  June,  1746,  he  set  forth  in  a  petition 

*  Sir  Baiil  Dixwell  was  a  conne£lion  of  probably  named. — See  Stilei't  Hiutry 
the  Judge,  for  whom  the  Lieutenant  was     of  the  Judges,  143. 


ti 


!-J-«^. 


^2 


Appendix.]  Sufferers  in  the  Louis bourg  Expedition.  233 

to  the  General  Court  in  behalf  of  himself  and  men,  that  they 
underwent  great  hardship,  that  their  wages  was  but  five  pounds 
per  month,  and  "  that  they  lost  all  benefit  of  plunder  by  the 
capitulation."  Captain  Doane  was  probably  of  the  Eastham 
family,  and  may  have  been  that  Elisha  Doane,  born  there, 
February  3d,  1705. — See  New  Eng.  Hist,  and  Gen.  Register, 
vol.  VI,  page  44. 

Dolliber,  Thomas,  was  of  Marblehead,  a  fisherman. 
Through  his  agency  news  was  obtained  that  the  great  French 
armada,  under  the  Duke  D'Anville,  was  arrived  in  the  northern 
seas.  He  abandoned  his  fishing,  took  a  Frenchman  from  the 
Isle  Sables,  conveyed  him  to  Louisbourg,  and  through  his 
means  the  news  was  obtained.  On  the  13th  of  November, 
1746,  a  request  for  remuneration  of  his  expenses  was  before 
the  General  Court.  His  principal  claim  was  that  he  had  "  lost 
a  fair  of  fish."  The  name  Dolliber,  with  several  variations, 
is  an  early  one  in  New  England.  Perhaps  Dolebare  is  of  the 
same  origin.  ..  .  ,    <. 

Donaheut,  David.  This  active  commander  is  duly  noticed 
in  the  body  of  this  history.  He  probably  belonged  to  New- 
buryport,  and  as  early  as  the  27th  of  February,  1745,  was 
taken  into  the  service  of  the  Province,  with  his  vessel,  a  sloop. 

Dunn,  yohn.,  belonged  to  Barnstable,  Cape  Cod,  and  was  a 
drum  major  in  Col.  Gorham's  regiment.  He  claimed  that  he 
had  not  received  his  dues  of  the  government,  as  set  forth  in  a 
petition ;  but  on  the  25th  of  July,  1 746,  his  petition  was  "  dis- 
missed," yet  on  the  9th  of  Oftober  following,  his  claim  was 
liquidated  by  an  allowance  of  two  pounds  and  seventeen  shillings. 

Dyre,  "Joseph,  was  a  soldier  in  Captain  James  Noble's  com- 
pany, and  was  one  of  those  who  complained  of  that  officer's  . 
barbarous  treatment  of  his  men. 
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234  Sufferers  in  the  Louisbr  xpedition.  {Piwwmx. 

Fearne^  John.  In  answer  to  a  ^ietition  of  his,  January  29, 
1747,  ten  pounds  were  voted  him,  on  account  of  his  great  suf- 
ferings by  sickness. 

Gardner^  John^  was  of  Salem.  On  the  5th  of  March,  1745, 
he  was  appointed  pilot  of  the  Massachusetts  frigate.  Captain 
Edward  Tyng.  On  the  9th  of  the  same  month  a  vote  passed 
in  the  General  Court  adding  two  shillings  a  month  to  his  pay. 

Garrishj  George^  served  as  a  blacksmith.  In  September 
(1746)  he  petitioned  the  Court  for  remuneration  on  account  of 
having  lost  his  tools  at  Louisbourg.  He  represented  that  they 
were  stolen  from  him,  which  circumstance  probably  influenced 
the  Court  to  throw  out  his  claim  ;  perhaps  concluding  that  the 
government  could  not  be  holden  in  such  cases. 

Gayton^  Pierce.  He  was  master  of  a  mast-ship,  and  was 
waiting  here,  as  the  mast  trees  could  not  be  got  ready  before 
the  end  of  June.  His  ship  was  a  fine  one,  equal  to  a  man  of 
war  of  forty  guns.  Gov.  Shirley  prevailed  upon  him  to  join 
the  expedition  against  Louisbourg.  His  ship  had  been  taken 
from  the  French,  and  its  name  was  the  Bien  Amie.  It  was 
now  the  7th  of  March  (1745)  and  although  she  required 
seventy  men  to  make  up  her  compliment,  the  Governor  said 
she  would  be  ready  to  sail  the  following  week.  In  the  mean 
time  Capt.  Gayton  received  orders  from  Commodore  Knowles 
which  interfered  with  the  arrangement  for  the  voyage  to  Louis- 
bourg. On  the  nth  of  September  he  petitioned  the  General 
Court,  stating  that  he  had  been  constrained  by  the  justices  of 
the  county  of  Suffolk  to  give  evidence  concerning  the  murder 
of  William  Bryan  and  John  Conner,  whereby  he  was  prevented 
following  his  business  at  sea.  On  the  15th  of  November  fol- 
lowing his  claim  was  acknowledged  by  an  allowance  of  "<£ii 
Si.  in  full." 


^w 


•llM^kfMiMVWimilHMW^ 


hlhlWlMKMMX* 


Appendix.]  Sufferers  in  the  Louisbourg  Expedition.   235 

Girler^  William.  He  seems  to  have  been  a  coast  pilot.  On 
the  14th  of  June,  1747,  a  petition  of  his  is  noticed  in  the  Court 
Journals,  in  which  it  is  said  that  "he  did  very  considerable 
service  in  piloting  the  transports  into  Sheepscot  and  Canso,  and 
catching  fish  for  the  fleet."  The  family  name  of  this  pilot  may 
have  been  Girdler.  If  so,  this  man  probably  originated  at 
Marblehead. 

Gorham^  John,  On  the  8th  of  August,  1746,  he  petitioned 
for  pay  as  lieutenant-colonel.  Three  days  later,  vjrith  other 
officers  of  the  "whale-boat  regiment,  so  called,"  prayed  that 
some  method  be  taken  to  regulate  the  distribution  of  plunder. 
Col.  Gorham  belonged  to  Cape  Cod,  and  usually  had  many  of 
the  Cape  Indians  in  his  regiment. 

Harrii.  Thomas  Harris^  of  Ipswich,  was  allowed  f'e 
pounds  upon  his  representing  that  he  had  been  at  great  charge 
in  nursing  one  of  his  sons  who  returned  sick  from  the  expedi- 
tion, and  died  in  consequence  of  that  sickness.         .'  '       ■<        - 

i//7/f,  Daniel^  was  sick  at  Cape  Breton.  He  afterward 
received  four  pounds  for  medicine  expended  in  his  sickness  there. 

Hicksy  Nathaniel.,  was  of  Kittery,  and  was  among  the 
wounded.  He  afterwards  petitioned  for  relief.  Whether  any 
was  accorded,  is  not  found.  ■; 

Hoyty  Moses^  was  of  Newberry;  having  petitioned  for  relief, 
on  account  of  his  services  and  sufferings,  the  court,  on  the  same 
day  his  petition  was  read,  voted  him,  "for  his  present  relief," 
twelve  pounds  and  ten  shillings,  July  23,  1746.  See  Genealogy 
of  the  Hoyts,  by  D.  W.  Hoyt,  p.  32. 

Hunniwell^  Ro^er^  belonged  to  Scarborough.  He  lost  his 
right  arm  at  Louisbourg.  On  June  26,  1746,  seven  pounds 
and  ten  shillings  were  voted  him  for  present  relief.  Again,  in 
April,  1747,  another  £y   los.  were  voted  him,  ^'and  the  Go- 


236  Sufferers  in  the  Louisbourg  Expedition,  [Appendix. 


#11 


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4' 

, 

vernor  be  desired  to  place  the  petitioner  in  one  of  the  garrisons, 
and  to  be  in  the  pay  of  the  province." 

yackson^  fVilliarny  was  captain  of  the  cartel  ship  which  con- 
veyed the  Louisbourg  captives  to  France,  after  the  surrender. 
His  wife  not  hearing  anything  from  him  for  above  a  year  after 
he  sailed  from  Louisbourg,  petitioned  the  authorities  for  his 
wages.  This  was  in  January,  1746-7.  Between  that  date 
and  March  1 7th  following,  the  captain  made  his  appearance,  and 
was  allowed  to  visit  the  General  Court,  on  which  event  the 
clerk  made  a  record  to  this  purport :  "  Captain  William  Jack- 
son, who  was  sent  by  his  excijllency,  the  Governor,  express 
from  Louisbourg  to  Great  Britain,  in  November,  1745,  by  order 
of  the  House,  appeared  on  the  floor,  and  after  divers  questions 
respefting  his  voyage,  etc.,  withdrew." 

Jenkins^  Phillip^  represented  himself  as  a  "  soldier  in  the  ex- 
pedition," and  that  he  "  had  many  things  stolen  from  him,"  for 
which  he  prayed  remuneration  from  the  government,  but  it  does 
not  appear  that  he  got  any. 

Jordan^  Henry.  On  the  2d  of  April,  1747,  it  was  ordered 
that  he  be  allowed  ten  pounds  on  account  of  his  sufferings ; 
and  that  the  Governor  be  desired  to  place  him  in  one  of  the 
garrisons,  and  to  be  in  the  pay  of  the  province.  He  had  the 
year  before  been  allowed  five  pounds  for  present  relief. 

Jose^  Francis  ;  seems  to  have  been  an  inhabitant  of  some  part 
of  Cape  Breton  when  this  war  came  on,  and  a6ted  as  pilot  to 
the  English  ships,  and  was  allowed  wages  for  his  services.  At 
the  same  time  his  son  was  "  a  common  soldier  "  in  the  army. 
He  also  furnished  supplies,  for  which,  August  7th,  1 746,  he  was 
allowed  forty  pounds  "  in  full  for  cattle,  wood,  and  services." 

Kelton,  yonathan^  was  of  Dorchester,  and  served  as  armourer 
at  the  Grand  Battery  during  the  siege.  -v 


-<i«(>«W(t«il*!>r 


Appendix]  Sufferers  in  the  Louisbourg  Expedition.   237 

Kenny,  Nathan^  having  received  a  musket  ball  in  his  thigh, 
"vt'hich  had  occasioned  him  great  charge,  trouble  and  pain," 
petitioned  for  recompense,  and  on  the  loth  of  October,  1746, 
fifty  shillings  were  allowed  him. 

KimlaWy  John^  was  a  captain,  and  was  at  Louisbourg  in  the 
end  of  August,  1746.  His  pay  roll  was  presented  to  the  Court 
but  was  not  sworn  to  by  the  captain  }  '^  and  the  soldiers  who 
are  alive,  and  the  representatives  of  those  who  are  dead,  will  be 
great  sufferers  if  payment  be  delayed  until  said  roll  can  be  sworn 
to ;  therefore  it  was  voted  that  the  Committee  of  War  make 
payment  on  said  roll." 

Leatherland^  "Jacob,  was  of  Ipswich,  a  volunteer.  He 
petitioned  the  General  Court  for  remuneration,  in  the  usual 
form,  on  account  of  his  sufferings,  but  it  was  ^^  laid  on  the 
table."  ■       .v....  .  •      ■■,'•..',■.  -r...-:^^'^h^:^ 

Lewis,  Thomas,  was  of  Hingham.  On  the  12th  of  No- 
vember, 1746,  complaint  was  made  against  him,  that  he  had 
by  a  forged  order,  received  part  of  the  wages  of  Edward 
Ward,  Jr.,  of  the  said  Hingham,  and  had  enlisted  into  the  service 
and  gone  for  Annapolis.  An  order  was  passed  requesting  the 
Governor  to  send  for  him,  "  that  he  may  be  brought  to  justice." 
Mention  is  made  by  Mr.  Lincoln  in  his  history  of  Hingham  of 
a  Thomas  Lewis  of  this  time  in  that  town,  but  nothing  of  his 
having  served  in  this  war. 

Lovett,  Joseph  Woodward.  On  August  7th,  1746,  a  peti- 
tion from  him  and  several  others  was  taken  up,  but  riot  aded 
upon  till  September  3d.  It  was  then  "ordered  that  the  Com- 
mittee of  War  allow  J.  W.  Lovet  wages  for  so  long  time  as  it 
appeared  to  them  he  was  allowed  subsistence." 

Marsh,  Jacob,  belonged  to  Newbury,  was  chirurgeon's  mate 
in  Colonel  Williams's  regiment,  and  chief  surgeon  in  Colonel 


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238   Sufferers  in  the  Louis bourg  Expedition.  [Appendix. 

Waldo's  regiment.  The  Court  ordered,  "  that,  on  due  proof 
of  what  he  alleges,  full  chirurgcon's  pay  he  allowed  him." 

March^  Johny  was  of  Salisbury.  For  his  hardships  and 
sufferings,  six  pounds  were  voted  him. 

McFaderty  James^  petitions  for  reimbursement  of  twenty-four 
pounds,  which  he  has  paid  his  do£tor  since  the  last  grant  of  the 
Court  in  April,  1746.  On  July  i8th,  the  Committee  of  War 
were  direfted  to  pay  six  pounds  "  to  whom  it  is  due  for  nursing 
and  board,  and  four  pounds  to  the  petitioner  for  his  loss  of 
time." 

Neversy  Elisha^  was  allowed  two  pounds  and  five  shillings 
on  account  of  his  services  and  sufferings,  August   nth,  1746. 

NobUy  yamesy  Captain,  was  complained  of  for  ill  treatment 
of  his  men,  which  seems  to  have  amounted  to  barbarity,  as  the 
General  Court,  on  hearing  the  testimony  against  him,  requested 
the  Governor  "  not  to  suffer  the  said  James  Noble  to  sustain  a 
post  in  the  public  service."  He  was  in  General  Samuel  Waldo's 
regiment  of  Cumberland  county. 

Pierce^  "James^  of  Wiscasset,  was  a  volunteer,  and  among 
the  sick  soldiers.  His  petition  for  aid,  of  June  i8th,  1746,  was 
passed  over.  On  the  nth  of  November  he  was  allowed  six 
pounds  "as  a  further  allowance."  On  April  4th,  1747,  four 
pounds  were  voted  him,  "  and  to  be  put  into  the  hands  of  Josiah 
Pierce,  for  the  best  use  of  the  petitioner." 

Pike^  Thomas y  was  of  Newbury.  He  petitioned  for  an  allow- 
ance, "showing,  that  on  the  20th  of  June,  1745,  he  received  a 
commission  from  Governor  Shirley  to  be  adjutant  in  Choate's 
regiment ;  that  he  was  before  and  after  that,  lieutenant,  and 
performed  the  duty  of  both."  But  his  claim  was  not  allowed, 
at  this  time,  July  19th,  1746. 

PineSy    Thomas^   was  of  Boston.     In  the    beginning  of  the 


iis 


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iiWii>»iii»inii  iiiKu 


Appendix.]  Sufferers  in  the  Louisbourg  Expedition,   239 

expedition  "  he  enlisted  and  went  a  Serjeant  under  Captain 
Samuel  Rhodes,  and  received  wages  as  such  to  October,  I745» 
that  he  continued  to  the  15th  of  May,  1746,  in  the  service,  but 
cannot  get  his  wages,  because  Captain  Rhodes  has  made  up  no 
muster  roll." 

Preble^  Zebulon^  of  York,  claimed  "  that  his  son,  who  served 
at  the  redu<Stion  of  Louisbourg,  and  died  in  the  service,  had 
due  to  him  wages  to  the  amount  of  eight  pounds  fifteen  shillings 
and  one  penny ;  that  his  order  for  that  amount  was  returned, 
endorsed,  '  paid  William  Walker,  per  order,'  the  amount  for 
wages  and  bounty  ;  whereas,  the  petitioner  never  drew  such 
order,  neither  doth  he  know  said  Walker."  The  Committee 
of  War  was  ordered  to  stop  Walker's  wages  till  he  should 
make  it  appear  that  the  order  in  question  was  genuine. 

Prout^  Ebenexer^  was  a  commissary.  On  November  nth, 
1746,  he  memorialized  the  government  respecting  his  accounts. 

Pynchon^  Charles^  a  physician  in  the  expedition,  petitioned 
respe£ting  his  great  suffering  in  the  service,  which  being  "com- 
mitted to  the  gentlemen  appointed  upon  petitions  of  wounded 
soldiers,  June  12th,  1746,"'  it  was  ordered  that  the  Committee 
of  War  allow  the  petitioner  twenty-five  pounds  **  for  his  services 
and  sufFerings;"  He  was  a  descendant  "  of  the  worshipful 
William  Pynchon,  of  Springfield,  and  Dr.  Allen  says  he  died 
before  1789  ;  that  he  was  son  of  John,  who  died  in  1721  ;  if 
so,  he  was  grandson  of  the  Rev.  William  Hubbard,  rhe 
historian.  -    ,  •: 

Raymond^  Benjamin^  among  other  soldiers,  petitioned  for 
consideration  for  his  services  and  sufferings,  which  was  presented 
in  August,  1746.  ■,.'':  '•'■';'"■'";■ 'v^-'.^-^;';  :.  M-.'.. 

Reddington^  Nathaniel^  a  volunteer,  whose  '*  services  and 
sufferings,"  in  the  opinion  of  the  War  Committee,  amounted  to 


:-**«^*.'.*t^ 


,ir  Vifiril*rff)tW<tfiKli.<iirtii'li,i^<tri.l1ifciit-)t;rvfltV''-W 


IvM^ 


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240  Sufferers  in  the  Louisbourg  Expedition.  ^^ appendix. 

two  pounds  and  ten  shillings,  which  was  ordered  to  be  paid  him 
"  in  full." 

Rouse^  John.,  conspicuous  in  this  and  the  later  Trench  wars, 
was  doubtless  a  native  of  Boston  or  its  vicinit) , "  but  who  his 
immediate  ancestors  were,  none  of  the  writers  wno  'otice  him 
appear  to  have  had  any  knowledge.  The  name  Rouse  appears 
very  early  on  our  records.  It  may  have,  like  many  others, 
undergone  changes  ;  as  Rossy  Rose^  &c.  Still,  there  was  a  yohn 
Rouse  in  New  England  as  early  as  1640.  William  Rouse  was 
of  Boston,  a  goldsmith,  who  had  a  family  here,  and  also  another 
William,  a  generation  later,  who  is  styled  mariner,  and  with 
several  others  was  imprisoned  under  the  accusation  of  trading 
with  the  French  enemy.  He  might  have  been  the  ancestor, 
and  even  the  father  of  Captain  John  Rouse,  the  subjedl  of  this 
article,  but  of  that  proof  is  wanting.  It  is  remarkable  that 
there  is  not  a  line  in  any  of  our  biographical  works  respe<fting 
a  mail  so  distinguished  as  a  naval  commander  as  was  Captain 
John  Rous,  or  Rouse,  as  then  often  written. 

The  name  Rous  appears  among  the  English  baronets  in  1660, 
and  in  the  peerage  in  1796,  as  Earl  Stradbrok.  Mention  is 
here  made  of  the  English  family,  because  Captain  John  Rouse, 
a  native  of  New  England,  received  most  of  his  honors  in  Old 
England,  as  a  succindl  notice  of  him,  now  undertaken,  will 
show. 

Dr.  Douglass  thus  introduces  him  :  "  In  the  end  of  July, 
1744,  Captain  Rouse  in  a  Boston  privateer,  arrived  at  St.  Johns 
harbor  in  Newfoundland,  from  the  Great  Banks.  He  brought 
in  eight  French  ships,  with  ninety  thousand  mud-fish.  In 
August  Captain  Rouse,  in  consort  ship,  with  Captain  Cleves  in 
a  ship,  and  some  small  craft,  and  fifty  marines,  fitted  out  by  the 

*  See  Penhallow,  Indian  fVan^  page  33. 


g|^^^ 


MMjs 


■sSBBk 


,,.t\'*.iiiWiv.-f<->mtiMtn<lly:t,-iKYil.'.:^.1-.-i,!AL-tr'^^fM-t'»'^ 


Appendix.]  Sufferers  in  the  Louis b our g  Expedition.  241 

British  man-of-war  stationed  at  Newfoundland,  sailed  in  quest 
of  the  French  ships  that  cure  codfish  in  the  northern  harbors 
of  Newfoundland.  August  1 8th,  at  Fishot  [Fishotte],  they 
took  five  good  French  ships,  some  dried  fish,  and  seventy  tons 
of  liver  oil.  Thence  they  proceeded  to  the  harbors  of  St. 
Julian  and  Carrous.  Captain  Rouse  hereby  merited,  and 
accordingly  was  made.  Post  or  Rank  Captain  in  the  British 
navy."  But  it  appears  from  other  authentic  sources  that  several 
important  circumstances  in  the  career  of  Captain  Rouse  trans- 
pired between  his  privateer  services  and  his  advancement  to  a 
captaincy  in  the  British  navy.  When  the  expedition  was 
resolved  upon  against  Cape  Breton,  Governor  Shirley  sent  for 
Captain  Edward  Tyng  (who  had  recently  succeeded  the  veteran 
Captain  Cyprian  Southack),  and  direfted  him  to  procure  the 
largest  and  best  ship  he  could  find,  and  appointed  him  Commo- 
dore. To  him  Captain  Rouse  was  second  in  command,  and 
shared  in  all  his  operations. 

After  the  capture  of  the  great  French  ship,  the  Vigilant, 
Commodore  Warren  proposed  to  Captain  Tyng  to  take  command 
of  her,  under  the  rank  of  Post  Captain  ;  but  as  he  was  now 
about  sixty-five  years  of  age,  he  did  not  think  it  prudent  to 
accept  the  office,  but  recommended  Captain  Rouse,  who  v/as 
thus  instated  in  the  navy,  and  appointed  to  the  command  of  the 
Shirley  frigate,  or  galley,  as  it  was  sometimes,  or  hitherto 
denominated.*  After  sharing  in  all  of  the  hardships  in  the 
redudlion  of  Louisbourg,  Captain  Rouse  went  to  England, 
where,  after  the  peace  of  1748,  he  was  appointed  Captain  of 

*  The   Rev.   Timothy    Alden,   in  hia  is  not  warranted  by  the  fafta  in  my  piw- 

account    or    memoir    of  Captain    Tyng,  session,    which    are    fully    and    corre£'.ly 

insinuates  that  Captain  Rouse  had  usurped  given  in  the  text,  from  the  best  authori- 

the  honor  intended  for  his  superior,  which  ties  of  the  time. 


'%■     .■ 


.Mf.t«u<.Wil«>,iAtfc^'.M«iitf.«jMd^.^JwK««^ 


Vtm    nil        ,11    iiniWMiyHH»'» 


It        f' 


242  Sufferers  in  the  Louishourg  Expedition.  [Appendix. 

the  Albany  sloop.  This  command  was  inferior  to  his  hitherto 
place,  but  in  time  of  peace  such  exchange  from  larger  to  smaller 
ships  were  common.  In  1755,  however,  he  appears  as  Captain 
of  the  Success,  a  twenty-two  gun  ship,  and  was  soon  after 
ordered  to  his  old  field  of  exploits,  ah  it  Nova  Scotia.  Here 
he  cooperated  with  Colonel  Monckton.  A  letter  written  at 
Halifax,  July  i8th,  the  same  year  (1755),  affords  an  insight  into 
some  of  his  brilliant  operations  :  "  The  French  have  abandoned 
their  fort  at  St.  Johns  river,  and  as  far  as  in  their  power  demo- 
lished it.  As  soon  as  the  forts  on  the  Isthmus  were  taken. 
Captain  Rous  sailed  from  thence,  with  three  twenty-gun  ships 
and  a  sloop  to  look  into  St.  John's  river,  where  it  was  reported 
there  were  two  French  ships  of  thirty-six  guns  each.  He 
anchored  off  the  mouth  of  the  river,  and  sent  his  boats  to 
reconnoitre ;  they  saw  no  ships  there  ;  but  on  their  appearance 
the  French  burst  their  cannon,  blew  up  their  magazine,  burned 
every  thing  they  could  belonging  to  the  fort,  and  marched  off. 
The  next  morning  the  Indians  invited  Captain  Rous  on  ?hore, 
gave  him  the  strongest  assurances  of  their  desire  to  make  peace 
with  the  English  j  and  pleaded,  in  their  behalf,  that  they  had 
refused  to  assist  the  French  upon  this  occasion,  though  earnestly 
pressed  by  them,"  Two  years  later  (1757),  we  meet  with 
Captain  Rouse  in  the  same  ship,  under  Admiral  Holburne,  who, 
on  his  arrival  at  the  Chibouftou,  or  Halifax  station,  dispatched 
him  for  the  purpose  of  reconnoitering  the  French  fleet  at 
Louishourg.  On  his  return  he  was  removed  into  the  Winchelsea 
of  twenty-four  guns.  About  the  end  of  the  year  he  returned 
to  England,  and  was  promoted  to  the  Southerland,  of  fifty  guns, 
and  again  returned  to  America,  where  he  continued  to  signalize 
himself  by  his  bravery  and  good  conduft  till  after  the  fall  of 
Quebec  ;  about  which  time  it  is  believed  he  returned  to  England, 


igMaMHWilllMi 


■^MU 


^^^^^^^^^ir^mir^'mrrmmim 


Appendix.]  Sufferers  tit  the  Loutsbourg  Expedition.   243 

with  greatly  impaired  health,  and  on  the  3d  of  April  following, 
died  at  Portsmouth. 

Rogers^  William.  On  January  21st,  1747,  a  petition,  from 
him  was  presented  to  the  General  Court,  praying  compensation, 
for  that  he  had  served  in  a  double  capacity  at  Cape  Breton ; 
namely,  as  commissary  to  a  regiment  and  clerk  to  a  company. 
The  Court  decided  that  "the  time  for  receiving  petitions  was 
past,  and  consequently  his  was  not  then  considered.  The  same 
was  again  presented,  on  the  21st  of  April  following,  but  does 
not  seem  to  have  been  acfted  upon. 

RuggleSy  "John^  was  a  captain  in  the  Louisbourg  expedition, 
and  is  only  incidentally  mentioned. 

Shuttleworth.^  Vincent^  belonged  to  Wrentham,  Massachu- 
setts. He  was  among  the  badly  wounded,  and  a  pension  of 
three  pounds  and  five  shillings  was  voted  him  by  the  General 
Court  previous  to  November  nth,  1746,  at  which  time  the 
same  amount  was  ordered  to  be  paid  him  yearly  for  life.  The 
family  name  is  found  among  the  emigrants  of  1635,  in  which 
year  John  Shettleworth' s  name  is  found,  though  Savage  appears 
not  to  have  met  with  it. 

Spier^  David^  was  of  Woburn,  Massachusetts,  and  died  after 
the  expedition,  having  "served  during  the  whole  siege  of  Louis- 
bourg. After  which  he  was  taken  sick,  and  sent  to  Boston, 
where  he  died.  He  was  son  of  John  Spier,  of  Woburn,  but 
no  mention  is  found  of  the  name  of  Spier  in  the  history  of 
that  town,  nor  in  the  New  England  Genealogical  Di^ionary. 

Stamvood^  "Job^  was  a  volunteer.  In  August,  1746,  he 
petitioned  for  consideration  on  account  of  his  sufferings,  and  on 
the  14th  of  November  following,  the  Court  granted  him  "five 
pounds  for  his  present  relief."  The  Stanwoods  were  early  at 
Gloucester.     Job  and   his  brother   David   were    both    in  this 


ii 


'^sm^ 


^Sfititi)! 


6wi'iiiSEigmai»a!!' 


244  Sufferers  in  the  Louisbourg  Expedition.  [Appendix. 


m 


'I    I 


expedition,  and  both  wounded.     Job  lost  his  left  arm,  and,  in 
1749,  was  given  a  pension  of  fifteen  pounds  a  year  during  life. 

Str.ong^  E/ishoy  was  of  Northampton,  a  volunteer.  In 
January,  1747,  "he  petitioned  for  a  further  allowance,  by  reason 
of  his  services  and  sufferings.  He  was  in  Captain  Hubbard's 
company.  He  was  doubtless  of  the  same  stock  as  the  late 
Governor  Caleb  Strong,  the  Rev.  Nathan,  D.  D.,  and  other 
highly  distinguished  men  of  the  name. 

Tarranty  Alexander ^  was  "allowed  for  his  present  relief," 
twelve  pounds  and  ten  shillings. 

Tatnessy  Samuel^  a  volunteer,  petitioned,  in  September,  1746, 
"  representing  his  sickness  and  sufferings,"  and  was  referred  "to 
the  gentlemen  appointed  for  such  service."  The  next  Febru- 
ary the  Court  ordered  that  five  pounds  should  be  paid  him  **in 
full  for  his  sufferings  and  sickness."  In  April,  1747,  Eleanor 
Drisdell,  of  Boston,  brought  in  a  bill  "  for  boarding  and  nursing 
Samuel  Tatness  from  June  to  January,"  seven  pounds  and  ten 
shillings,  which  was  allowed  her. 

Terry,  'John,  captain  of  a  company  of  grenadiers,  appointed 
by  Gen.  Pepperrell,  but  had  received  only  a  lieutenant's  pay  j 
that  he  advanced  a  considerable  sum  in  provisions  for  his  com- 
pany ;  he  therefore  petitioned  the  General  Court  "  for  an  allow- 
ance." The  Court  referred  him  to  their  committee,  appointed 
to  examine  such  claims,  June  7,  1 746. 

Thomas,  IVilliam,  was  0/  Plymouth,  and  "  under  surgeon " 
in  Captain  Samuel  Waldo's  regiment,  but  was  obliged  to  take 
care  of  Col.  Gorham's  regiment  also.  He  was  ordered  to  be 
paid  wages  as  chief  surgeon,  by  the  committee  of  war,  "  pro- 
vided they  find  that  Col.  Gorham's  regiment  had  no  chief 
surgeon,  January  12,  1747. 

Trayne,    Joshua,    was   of    Framingham,    a    volunteer.       In 


Appendix.]  Sufferers  in  the  houisbourg  Expedition.   245 


March,  1 747,  he  petitioned  for  "  consideration,"  on  account  of 
loss  of  time  and  sickness  since  his  return  from  the  expedition. 
A  Joshua  Trayne,  probably  the  same,  is  mentioned  in  the 
history  of  Framingham,  who  married,  in  1743,  Mary  Nichols. 
He  was  son  of  John  Trayne,  of  the  same  town,  and  was  rated 
there  in  1746  and  1752.  He  may  not  have  been  assessed  the 
intermediate  years  in  consequence  of  his  sufferings  in  the  expe- 
dition. Nothing  is  said  in  Barry's  History  of  Framingham  about 
his  service  against  Cape  Breton. 

Turner^  Abner.  In  October,  1746,  he  petitioned  for  com- 
pensation, setting  forth,  that  he  was  at  the  reduction  of  Louis- 
bourg,  that  aftef-wards  he  was  shipped  to  carry  some  P'rench 
prisoners  to  France ;  that  upon  his  return  he  was  put  on  shore 
at  Philadelphia,  and  there  was  seized  with  the  small-pox  ;  that 
that  cost  him  nine  pounds  and  ten  shillings.  The  Court  did 
not,  at  this  time,  entertain  his  claim. 

Twichel^  Daniel.  In  March,  1 747,  he  petitioned  the  govern- 
ment for  consideration,  as  a  soldier,  wounded  in  the  service,  but 
in  what  service  is  not  mentioned. 

Tyng^  Edward.  A  captain  in  the  sea  service,  and  one  of 
the  ablest  commanders  in  the  wars  of  his  time,  as  will  be  found 
elsewhere  detailed  ;  as  well  in  other  works  as  in  these  pages. 
In  the  Cape  Breton  expedition  he  was  in  command  of  the 
Massachusetts  frigate.  Early  in  this  war  he  memorialized  the 
government  for  a  "  further  allowance  for  the  do6lor,  that  he  be 
kept  in  constant  pay,  and  that  he  may  be  allowed  a  mate." 
Whereupon  an  order  was  issued,  granting  eight  shillings  a 
month  to  be  added  to  the  doctor's  pay.  A  mate  was  also 
granted,  with  two  pounds  and  ten  shillings  a  month  wages. 
Also  a  second  lieutenant,  with  three  pounds  and  three  shillings 
wages  per  month.     In  February,  1746-7,  he  petitioned  for  a 


im 


I  I 


:  ■ 


ti|j  n\ 


I  !.* 

mi 

V 

f 

I;. 


246  Sujferers  in  the  Louisbourg  Expedition.  [Appendix. 

do6lor's  mate,  but  whether  this  request  were  granted  or  not, 
does  not  appear.  At  this  time  Capt.  Tyng  was  about  sixty- 
four  years  of  age.  He  died  in  Boston,  September  8th,  1755, 
aged  about  seventy-two.  His  residence  was  in  Milk  street. 
In  1734  he  advertised  for  sale  "A  likely  Negro  Man,  aged 
about  twenty-two  years,  speaks  good  English,  is  an  excellent 
Barber,  and  endowed  with  several  other  valuable  qualifications." 
In  1736,  a  large  tra<St  of  land  was  granted  to  "Edward  Tyng 
of  Boston,  merchant,  Temple  Nelson  and  Nathaniel  Alden  of 
Boston,  for  themselves  and  others,  the  heirs  of  Col.  Edward 
Tyng,  deceased;  John  Nelson,  Esq.,  deceased;  and  Captain 
John  Alden,  deceased;  in  consideration  for  the  deceased's 
extraordinary  services  and  sufferings;  they  having  suffered  a 
long  and  tedious  captivity  in  France,  the  said  Col.  Tyng  dying 
in  a  dungeon  there."  Hence  Captain  Tyng  was  grandson  of 
the  emigrant  of  the  same  name,  who  settled  in  Dunstable,  and 
died  there  in  1 681,  at  the  age  of  ninety-one.  His  father  served 
in  Philip's  war,  was  lieutenant  to  Capt.  Appleton,  and  wounded 
in  the  Narraganset  swamp  fight  of  Dec.  19,  1675.  Seven 
years  after  the  death  of  Captain  Tyng,  his  estate  in  Milk  street, 
two  brick  tenements  in  Fleet  street,  and  a  house,  warehouse, 
and  wharf,  near  Windmill  Point,  were  advertised  for  sale. 
The  valuable  artirle  on  the  Tyng  family,  in  AlderCs  Epitaphs^ 
II,  328,  etc.,  may  be  materially  augmented  from  our  memoranda. 
Vaughan^  fVidiam^  was  a  son  of  Lieutenant-Governor  George 
Vaughan  of  Portsmouth,  New  Hampshire.  There  has  been 
occasion  to  speak  of  him  and  his  agency  in  the  previous  pages 
of  this  history.  He  appears  to  have  been  a  man  of  great  enter- 
prise. In  1730  and  1731,  having  made  a  purchase  of  a  fine 
mill  privilege  at  the  Fresh  Falls  on  the  Damariscotta,  of  per- 
sons who  derived  their  title  from  Mr.  John  Brown,  proceeded 


^!^H^I~~RSnj!W!S" 


.  .,-.ll.-.l    I.       .,     VU  ..■.-■•....■,».;...M.L,.    ^..^..M^. ^i..    1...       ,     ..   ...tj..     .S-.1, 


mi^rlllifii  I 


Appendix.]  Sufferers  in  the  Loutsbourg  Expedition.   247 

to  ere£t  mills  there,  and  soon  had  two  double  saw-mills  and  a 
gristmill  in  operation.  After  the  fall  of  Louisbourg  he  went 
to  England  to  obtain  some  reward  for  his  extraordinary  services ; 
but,  owing  to  some  cause,  he  did  not  succeed.  Perhaps,  as  he 
had  no  command  in  the  expedition,  his  claim  was  disregarded. 
Although  his  services  were  well  known  to  have  been  great,  and 
important  to  the  enterprise,  he  stood  a  small  chance  for 
remuneration  among  the  hundreds  of  hungry  army  officers. 
He  died  in  England  in  1755.  His  death  may  have  been 
hastened  by  negledt  and  disappointment.  His  brother,  Elliot 
Vaughan,  succeeded  him  at  Damariscotta.  By  his  will  he  gave 
Mercy,  Jenny,  and  Mary  Campbell  a  hundred  acres  of  land 
each.  Jenny  Campbell  became  the  wife  of  James  Brown. 
The  notice  taken  of  William  Vaughan  by  Dr.  Douglass, 
undoubtedly  requires  considerable  qualification:  "A  whimsi- 
cal, wild  proje<Slor  in  his  own  private  concerns,  entirely  ignorant 
of  military  affairs,  and  of  the  nature  of  the  defense  or  strength 
of  a  place  regularly  and  well  fortified  at  an  immense  expense; 
dreamt:  or  imagined  that  this  place  might  be  reduced  by  fifteen 
hundred  raw  militia,  some  scaling-ladders,  and  a  few  armed 
small  craft  of  New  England."  The  same  author  says  scaling- 
ladders  were  sent  with  the  expedition,  but  were  found  ten  feet 
too  short  j  but  had  they  been  long  enough,  no  use  could  have 
been  made  of  them. 

Villers^  Georgey  died  in  the  service,  before  the  24th  of  June, 
1 746.  At  that  date  one  Elizabeth  Shute  applied  for  considera- 
tion, showing  that  the  widow  of  Villers  was  taken  care  of  by 
her,  and  died  in  her  house,  but  her  claim  was  at  that  time 
rejefted.     The  applicant  was  a  widow,  and  resided  in  Boston. 

IValker^  George^    was  of  Arundel ;  enlisted  as  a  soldier  in 


—"iSfiSlBSS 


T^ 


i 


f!^,f 


ij.l 


248   Sufferers  in  the  Louisbourg  Expedition,  [Appenbix. 

the  Cape  Breton  expedition ;  was  sick  at  Boston  several  months. 
Five  pounds  were  granted  him. 

Walker^  William.  Where  he  belonged  is  not  stated  in  the 
records.  All  that  is  learned  of  him  is  given  in  the  notice  of 
Zebulon  Preble. 

Walter^  Nathaniel^  clerk.  We  have  before  us  "  a  memorial, 
shewing  that  in  the  late  [Louisbourg]  expedition,  he  had  a  war- 
rant from  His  Excellency  William  Shirley,  Esq.,  as  interpreter 
to  General  Pepperrell,  in  which  capacity  he  passed  through 
hard  service,  in  translating  papers,  etc.,  both  before  and  after 
the  redu£tion  of  the  place."  What  action  was  taken  upon  this 
memorial,  if  any,  does  not  appear.  Mr.  Walter  was  pastor  of 
the  Second  Church  in  Roxbury.  He  was  son  of  the  Rev. 
Nehemiah  Walter,  and  his  mother  was  Sara.^  daughter  of  the 
Rev.  Increase  Mather,  D.  D.  His  service  in  the  Louis- 
bourg expedition  does  not  appear  to  have  been  known  to  his 
descendants  of  this  generation. 

fVard^  Edward^  Jr.^  was  of  Hingham.  He  volunteered  to 
serve  in  the  Louisbourg  expedition.  By  a  petition  which  he 
laid  before  the  government  of  Massachusetts,  it  appears  that 
one  Thomas  Lewis,  also  of  Hingham,  had  by  a  forged  order 
received  a  part  of  Ward's  wages,  enlisted  into  the  service,  and 
had  gone  to  Annapolis.  The  government  ordere  ne  pounds 
to  be  paid  to  Ward,  and  that  Lewis  be  sent  for,  *'i  he  may 
be  brought  to  justice." 


*'>,! 


&r.- 


It  is  remarkable  how  many  men  of  distin6lion  served  in 
America  in  this  war,  and  that  which  immediately  succeeded  it. 
Commodore  Anson  was  on  his  voyage  round  the  world  when 
France  declared  war  against  England;    that  voyage,  so  dis- 


'OtWiiM  I  fiiMMiijitn»m» 


Ai- 


Appendix.]  Sufferers  in  t6e  LouisSourg  Expedition.  249 

astrous  to  hundreds  who  participated  in  it.  In  one  of  Anson's 
ships,  the  Wager,  cast  away  on  the  western  coast  of  Patagonia, 
was  a  midshipman,  mentioned  in  the  narratives  of  that  voyage 
as  the  Hon.  John  Byron,  then  a  young  man.  The  majority 
of  the  crew  of  the  Wager  succeeded  in  reaching  the  shore  of 
what  proved  to  be  a  desolate  island.  Of  about  one  hundred 
and  cighty"s5iriby^*catcc  twenty  ever  lived  to  reach  their  homes, 
the  greater  part  having  died  from  starvation  and  the  exposures 
to  which  for  months  some,  and  years  others  were  subjetSted. 
Mr.  Byron,  with  some  twelve  comrades,  refusing  to  proceed 
with  the  majority  of  the  survivors  by  the  straits  of  Magellan, 
bent  their  way  northward,  hoping  by  this  course  to  fall  in  with 
some  Spanish  ship  which  they  might  capture,  and  in  it  to  reach 
an  appointed  rendezvous  of  their  commodore;  but  their 
numbers  soon  became  too  much  reduced  to  admit  of  the  enter- 
tainment of  this  idea,  even  by  their  fool-hardy  captain.  At 
length  but  four  remained  alive,  among  whom  was  the  captain, 
whose  name  was  Cheap,  and  Mr.  Byron.  These  two,  by  the 
aid  of  the  Indians,  after  some  months  of  the  most  excessive 
sufferings,  arrived  at  a  Spanish  settlement  on  the  island  of 
Chiloe.  They  now  became  prisoners  to  the  Spaniards,  who 
treated  them  kindly,  furnished  them  with  clothing  and  other 
necessaries,  and  finally  they  got  back  to  England,  by  way  of 
France,  after  about  ive  years'  absence.  Byron  soon  after 
resumed  his  place  in  the  British  navy ;  was  made  a  captain  in 
1746.  In  1757  he  commanded  the  America,  a  sixty  gun  ship, 
and  afterwards  the  Fame,  a  seventy-four,  in  which  he  sailed  to 
Louisbourg,  with  transports  conveying  engineers,  etc.,  charged 
with  the  demolition  of  the  famous  fortification  there,  about 
which  the  English  and  French  had  fought  so  desperately. 
While  at  Louisbourg  he  learned  that  several  French  frigates 
Gg 


'1^ 


ii 


Is!    f   I 


i      ; 

[ 

250  Suffer  er  sin  the  Louis  hour g  Expedition.  [Appendix. 

and  storeships  were  lying  in  the  bay  of  Chaleur,  all  of  which 
he  took  or  destroyed.  He  afterwards  served  under  Lord  Col- 
ville,  and  at  one  time  under  Sir  Edward  Hawk.  He  was 
governor  of  Newfoundland ;  then  an  admiral ;  commanded  an 
exploring  expedition  round  the  world ;  served  during  the  war 
of  the  American  Revolution;  manoeuvred  successfully  with 
Count  D'Estaing,  and  saved  Admiral  Harrington's  command  in 
the  West  Indies.  This  seems  to  have  been  among  his  last 
naval  services.  He  married,  in  1748,  Sophia,  daughter  of  John 
Trevanion,  Esq.,  and  died  in  1786.  Such  was  the  grandfather 
of  Lord  Byron,  one  of  the  greatest  poets  of  any  time,  whose 
singular  career  and  fortune  have  given  rise  to  one  of  the  most 
lamentable  and  uncalled  for  crusades  against  his  reputation  to 
be  found  in  the  annals  of  scandal. 


1  ■! 


I- 


■!■■ 

;!* 

r  . 

11 

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HI 

K^ 

ni 

^'ti^mfmimmmtmNmamiemrtmmmi 


'^'fwy(!P%f<|i!igjpf>/y,'i'»;^i7';w*;;iwt*'^^ 


Wpwgff^WpmiL  iipiniir.M<wi»  . 


mmmm 


APPENDIX     E. 

Page  no. 

THE  REV    JOHN  NORTON. 

INTRODUCTION. 


|0  the  narrative  of  the  Rev.  John  Norton  these  pre- 
vious pages  are  indebted  for  many  of  the  valuable 
facts  detailed  in  them.  After  the  manner  of  an 
older  work,  Mr.  Norton  entitles  his  **  W'f^f  ItLt* 
^(CntCD  CSptfbPf  being  a  narrative  of  the  taking  and  carrying 
into  captivity  the  Reverend  Mr.  John  Norton,  when  Fort 
Massachusetts  surrendered  to  a  large  body  of  French  and  In- 
dians^ August  20th,  1746."     "  IVritten  by  himself." 

Mr.  No  ton's  captivity  was  of  one  year's  continuance,  wast- 
ing four  days.  His  nairative  was  printed  in  1748,  in  Boston, 
**  and  sold  opposite  the  prison."  Who  the  printer  was,  or  the 
bookseller,  is  not  mentioned.  As  Daniel  Fowle  kept  in  Queen 
street  at  this  time,  and  the  prison  was  in  that  street,  where  the 
court  house  now  is,  he  was  probably  the  printer.  The  author 
was  perhaps  his  own  publisher.  He  appears  not  to  have  had 
much  practice  as  a  writer,  but  what  is  of  more  importance,  he 
was  evidently  one  of  the  most  truthful,  while  the  printer  did 
not  perform  his  part  with  much  credit  to  himself,  which  might 
have  been  the  occasion  of  his  withholding  his  name  to  Mr. 
Norton's  work. 

Mr.  Norton  was  born  in  Berlin,  Connecticut,  1716  }  gradu- 
ated at  Yale  College  in  1737.     Four  years  after,  namely,  in 


r 


lit 


!  « 


r     t 


!..j 


i 


if 


252 


Norton's  Redeemed  Captive.       [Apfindix. 


1 741,  he  was  ordained  in  Fall  Town,  since  Bernardston,  Massa- 
chusetts, and  was  the  first  minister  in  that  town.  Owing  **  to 
the  unsettled  state  of  the  times,"  he  continued  in  Fall  Town 
but  about  four  years  i  the  people  had  quite  as  much  as  they 
could  do  to  maintain  their  families,  while  they  were  exposed  to 
inroads  of  the  enemy  in  a  war  already  commenced.  The 
statement  of  his  having  been  settled  at  Deerfield  in  1 741,  is 
probably  incorredt.  After  his  return  from  captivity  he  was 
installed  pastor  of  the  Congregational  church  in  East  Hampton, 
Middlesex  county,  ConncAicut,  November  30th,  1748,  where 
he  continued  about  thirty  years,  at  which  period  he  fell  a  vi<^iin 
to  the  small  pox  (March  24th,  1748). 

Bernard's  Town,  at  the  time  Mr.  Norton  preached  there  was, 
as  just  mentioned^  called  Fall  Town.  It  was  thus  designated 
because  it  was  granted  to  the  soldiers,  or  the  descendants  of 
those  soldiers  who  were  in  the  fight  with  the  Indians  at  the 
Great  Falls  in  the  Connefticut  river.  May  i8th,  1676.  While 
in  captivity  his  wife  applied  to  the  government  of  Massachusetts 
for  the  wages  due  him  as  chaplain,  and  at  one  time  received  one 
pound  sixteen  shillings  and  six  pence,  then  due,   March    12th, 

»747- 

Mr.  Norton  was  thirty  years  of  age  when  taken  prisoner  ; 
and  though  he  has  given  us  a  work  full  of  valuable  fadts,  he 
evidently  had  had  little  experience  in  literary  matters,  and  would 
have  made  his  work  much  more  valuable  had  he  re-written  it  at 
a  later  day.  But  narratives  of  the  kind  of  this  of  Mr.  Norton's 
would  not  at  the  time  of  its  publication,  attract  the  attention 
of  the  reading  public.  His  immediate  friends,  and  the  friends 
of  f.hose  in  captivity  with  him,  were  about  all  who  would  take 
any  interest  in  its  publication.  There  was  no  charm  of  compo- 
sition about  it.     Its  details  are  the  dryest  possible.     Hence  its 


:    1,. 

s: 


BH 


Bm 


msssm 


t^mm'mimmmiiwm^ 


Appendix]      Norton* s  Redeemed  Captive. 


253 


circulation  was  of  the  most  limited  kind.  This  circumstance  may 
account  for  its  extreme  scarcity,  which  scarcity  probably  extends 
back  to  within  a  very  few  years  of  its  publication.  Many  of 
the  most  valuable  works  have  beeii  issued  in  small  editions  ;  a 
few  copies  only  bound  or  stitched  up  to  meet  the  first  demands 
of  friends  ;  the  rest  are  taken  by  the  author  into  the  country, 
perhaps  in  sheets,  and  eventually  used  for  waste  paper  ;  or, 
possibly  left  on  the  printer's  hands  to  meet  a  similar  fate.  Such 
cases  are  known  to  the  writer. 


Norton's  Redeemed  Captive. 

Mr.  Norton  thus  begins  his  "  Narrative,"  &c.  [3]*  "Thurs- 
day, August  14,  1746,  I  left  Fort  Shirley, f  in  company  with 
Dr.  [Thomas]  Williams,  and  about  fourteen  of  the  soldiers  j 
we  went  to  Pelham  Fort,  and  from  thence  to  Captain  Rice's, 
where  we  lodged  that  night. 

*' Friday,  the  1 5th,  we  went  from  thence  to  Fort  Massachu- 
setts, where  I  designed  to  have  tarried  about  a  month. 

"Saturday,  i6th.  The  doctor,  with  fourteen  men,  went  off 
for  Deerfield,  and  left  in  the  fort.  Sergeant  John  Hawks,|  with 
twenty  soldiers,  about  half  of  them  sick  with  bloody  flux.  Mr. 
Hawks  sent  a  letter  by  the  do<Stor  to  the  captain,  supposing 
that  he  was  then  at  Deerfield,  desiring  that  he  would  speedily 
send  up  some  stores  to  the  fort,  being  very  short  on  it  for 
ammunition,  and  having  discovered  some  signs  of  the  enemy  ; 


*  The  figure!  thus  enclosed  denote  the 
original  pagination  of  Mr.  Norton's  work. 

f  In  what  is  since  the  town  of  Heath, 
about  eighteen  miles  north  north  west  of 
Northampton,  Mass. 


X  The  same  who  was  ambushed  and 
wounded  at  Fort  Mass.'chusetta,  May 
9th,  1746.  He  bad  been  a  captive 
among  the  Indians,  and  was  recently 
returned. 


__ 


i. 


^54 


Norton's  Redeemed  Captive.       [Appendix. 


but  the  letter  did  nut  get  to  the  captain  seasonably.  This  day, 
also,  two  of  our  men  being  out  a  few  miles  distant  from  the 
fort,  discovered  the  tracks  of  some  of  the  enemy.  : 

"Lord's  day  and  Monday,  17th  and  1 8th,  we  met  with  no 
disturbance,  nor  did  we  discover  any  enemy  ;  but  the  sickness 
was  very  distressing  ;  for  though  some  began  to  amend,  yet 
there  wete  more  taken  sick.  Eleven  of  our  men  were  sick, 
and  scarcely  one  of  us  in  perfe6t  health  ;  almost  every  man  was 
troubled  with  the  griping  and  flux. 

"  Tuesday,  19th.  Between  eight  and  nine  o'clock  in  the 
[4]  morning,  when,  through  the  good  providence  of  God,  we 
were  all  in  the  fort,  twenty-two  men,  three  women,  and  five 
children,  there  appeared  an  army  of  French  and  Indians,  eight 
or  nine  hundred  in  number,  commanded  by  Monsieur  Regand 
de  Vaudriile,*  who,  having  surrounded  the  fort  on  every  side, 
began  with  hideous  damations  to  rush  forward  upon  the  fort, 
firing  incessantly  upon  us  on  every  side.  Mr.  Hawks,  our 
officer,  ordered  that  we  should  let  them  come  without  firing  at 
all  at  them,  until  they  should  approach  within  a  suitable  distance, 
that  we  might  have  a  good  prospe£l  of  doing  execution. 

"  We  suffered  them  to  come  up  in  a  body  till  they  were 
within  twenty  rods  of  us,  and  then  we  fired  ;  upon  which  the 
enemy  soon  betook  themselves  to  trees,  stumps  and  logs,  where 
they  lay  and  fired  incessantly  upon  us  ,  some  taking  opportunity 
to  run  from  one  tree  and  stump  to  another,  and  so  drew  nearer 
to  the  fort.  This  they  did  in  a  very  subtle  manner,  running  so 
crooked  that  it  was  very  difficult  to  shoot  at  them  with  any 

*  Hit  real  name  was  Pierre  Franfoit  Cavagnal ;    was  born    in  Montreal,  8th 

Rigaud  de  Vaudrenil.     He   wag   brother  February,  1704.     He  was   living   ai  late 

of  the  last   French  Governor  of  Canada,  as  1770.     See  Morgan's  C(/«^ra»</ Gmm- 

the  Marquis,  Pierre  Fran9ois  de  Vaudreail-  dian$,  46. 


"■«om»iHi-»   |iiuii,iiii.|iii,iti.  .,11.111 


i»i»ini)ii^  ii»Hiiiii<iji  111  !!i)i»jiij^i»j[i(i;ti^|jrii»'«'#*i  nii«<iri>U»i!' » 


Appendix.]       Norton's  Redeemed  Captive. 


^SS 


good  prospe<ft  of  success,  until  we  observed,  that  when  they 
came  to  a  stump,  they  would  fall  down  ;  which  we  observing, 
prepared  to  catch  them  there  as  they  fell  down  by  the  stumps  ; 
and  this  we  did  probably  with  success ;  for  they  soon  left  off 
this  method.  About  this  time  we  saw  several  of  the  enemy 
fall  and  rise  no  more  ;  among  which  was  the  captain  of  the  St. 
Francis  Indians,  who  was  one  of  the  foremost,  and  called  upon 
the  rest  to  press  on  upon  the  fort.  Sergeant  Hawks  got  an 
opportunity  to  shoot  him  into  the  breast,  which  ended  his  days.* 
*'  At  the  beginning  of  the  engagement,  the  General  sent  his 
ensign  with  his  standard  (which  he,  standing  [5]  behind  a  tree 
about  thirty  rods  distant  from  the  fort,  displayed),  the  General 
also  walked  up  the  hill  within  about  forty  rods  of  the  fort,  where 
he  stood  and  gave  his  orders  j  but  being  discovered  he  had  a 
shot  or  two  fired  at  him ;  upon  which  he  moved  off ;  but  pre- 
sently after  comes  to  his  ensign,  where,  being  discovered,  he 
received  a  shot  in  his  arm,  which  made  him  retreat  with  his 
ensign  to  their  camp. 

"  The  enemy  suU  continued  to  fire  almost  incessantly  upon 
■  us,  and  many  of  them  crept  up  within  a  dozen  rods  of  the  fort. 
We  were  straitened  for  want  of  shot.  Several  of  our  men 
being  newly  come  into  the  service,  and  for  want  of  bullet 
moulds,  had  not  prepared  for  any  long  engagement,  and  therefore 
the  sergeant  ordered  some  of  our  sick  men  to  make  bullets, 
another  to  run  some  shot,  having  shot  moulds.  This  put  him 
upon  taking  particular  notice  of  the  ammunition,  and  he  found 
it  to  be  very  short,  and  therefore  gave  orders  that  we  should  not 
fire  any  more  than  we  thought  necessary  to  hold  the  enemy 

*  The  name  of  this  Chief  does  not  ap-  English  recorded  it.  Though  the  St.  Fran- 
pear  to  hare  been  mentioned  in  the  French  cis  tribe  were  represented  at  the  treaties 
reports  of  the  expedition,  nor  have  the     oi  173S  «nd  I74»>  "o  names  are  given. 


II 


4 


r 

1 

i 

' 

V? 

' 

1: 

il 

I 


I 
I 


256 


Norton's  Redeemed  Captive.       [Appendix. 


back,  unless  when  we  had  a  very  good  opportunity  and  fair 
prospeil  of  doing  execution ;  so  that  we  fired  but  little.  We 
had  sometimes  very  fair  shot,  and  had  success.  We  saw 
several  fall,  who,  we  are  persuaded,  never  rose  again.  We 
might  have  shot  at  the  enemy  almost  any  time  in  the  day,  who 
were  in  open  view  of  the  fort,  within  fifty  or  sixty  rods  of  the 
same,  and  sometimes  within  forty  and  less;  the  officers  some- 
times walking  about,  sword  in  hand,  viewing  of  us,  and  others 
walking  back  and  forth  as  they  had  occasion,  without  molesta- 
tion, for  we  dare  not  spend  our  ammunition  upon  them  that 
were  at  such  a  distance.  >?' 

"Towards  evening  the  enemy  began  to  use  their  axes  and 
hatchets.  Some  were  thoughtful  that  they  were  preparing  lad- 
[6]  ders  in  order  to  storm  the  fort  in  the  night ;  but  afterward 
we  found  our  mistake,  for  they  were  preparing  faggots  in  order 
to  burn  it.  This  day  they  wounded  two  of  our  men,  viz, 
John  Aldrich  they  shot  through  the  foot,  and  Jonathan  Bridg- 
man  with  a  flesh  wound  the  back  side  of  his  hip.  When  the 
evening  came  on  the  sergeant  gave  orders  that  all  the  tubs, 
pails,  and  vessels  of  every  sort,  in  every  room,  should  be  filled 
with  water,  and  went  himself  to  see  it  done ;  he  also  looked  to 
the  doors,  that  they  were  made  as  fast  as  possible.  He  like- 
wise cut  a  passage  from  one  room  to  another,  that  he  might  put 
the  fort  into  as  good  a  posture  for  defense  as  might  be,  in  case 
they  should  attempt  to  storm  it.  He  distributed  the  men  into 
the  several  rooms.  While  he  was  thus  preparing,  he  kept  two 
men  in  the  north-west  mount,*  and  some  in  the  great  house, 
the  south-east  corner  of  the  fort,  to  watch  the  enemy  and  keep 
them  back. 

'^  I  was  in  the  mount  all  the  evening  \  it  was  cloudy  and  very 

*  A  sort  of  watch  box  in  an  angle  or  corner  of  the  fort,  on  the  top  of  the  wall. 


*-..l..i»t««i4llWi. 


ilWV[<*"ii»^i|'MWl'i'JB»»'lW«  i<-<*''<HMW.i?tMIWrt  immAilllMiii  ■  1^W:'c;lWW*'*^tiartf>Avl.i^i?i....i,  Ml ..-^^j-^Mff 41 


i^rfpiiiij  iiii'ijii'i':iriui>itiiii|i<i»)iij'i>>ii)^y'i>iiii(iiU(iVi' 


w^.^i  mif4Bi>»H|fcw»tw^iintoi<i>iiW>iw»H  • 


Appendix.]       Norton's  Redeemed  Captive. 


H7 


dark  the  beginning  of  the  evening.  The  enemy  kept  a  con- 
stant fire  upon  us,  and,  as  I  thought,  approached  nearer  and  in 
greater  numbers  than  they  had  in  the  daytime.  We  had  but 
little  encouragement  to  fire  upon  the  enemy,  having  but  the 
light  of"  their  fire  to  dire£t  us,  yet  we  dared  not  wholly  omit  it, 
lest  they  should  be  emboldened  to  storm  the  fort.  We  firec^ 
buck-shot  at  them,  and  have  reason  to  hope  we  did  some  exe- 
cution, for  the  enemy  complained  of  our  shooting  buck-shot  at 
that  time,  which  they  could  not  have  known  had  they  not  felt 
some  of  them.  They  continued  thus  to  fire  upon  us  until 
between  eight  and  nine  at  night,  then  the  whole  army  (as  we 
supposed)  surrounded  the  fort,  and  shouted,  or  lather  yelled, 
with  the  [7]  most  hideous  outcries,  all  around  the  fort.  This 
they  repeated  three  or  four  times.  We  expedted  they  would 
have  followed  this  with  a  storm,  but  were  mistaken,  for  they 
diredlly  set  their  watch  all  round  the  fort;  and  besides  their 
watch  they  sent  some  to  creep  up  as  near  the  fort  as  they  could, 
to  observe  whether  any  persons  attempted  to  make  their  escape, 
to  carry  tidings  to  New  England.*  The  body  of  the  army 
then  drew  hack  to  their  camps ;  some  in  the  swamp  west  of 
the  fort,  the  other  part  to  the  south-east,  by  the  river  side. 
We  then  considered  what  was  best  to  be  done ;  whethei  to  send 
a  post  down  to  Deerfield  or  not.  We  looked  upon  it  very 
improbable,  if  not  morally  impossible,  for  any  men  to  get  off 
undiscovered;  and  therefore  the  sergeant  would  not  lay  his 
commands  upon  any  to  go;  but  he  proposed  it  to  several, 
desired  and  encouraged  them  as  far  as  he  thought  convenient  j 
but  there  was  not  a  man  willing  to  venture  out.  So  the  ser- 
geant, having  placed  the  men  in  every  part  of  the  fort,  he 

*  It  wtiR*  odd  at  this  day,  that  but     writing  of  a  locality  in   Massachusetts, 
little  more  than  a  hundred  vears  ago,  one     should  refer  to  it  as  out  of  New  England. 

Hh 


*,:.. 


|!;5. 


if:. 


,  k 


.  i 


-'     [ 


].|i 


258 


Norton's  Redeemed  Captive.       [Appendix. 


ordered  all  the  sick  and  feeble  men  to  get  what  rest  they  could, 
and  not  regard  the  enemy's  acclamations,  but  to  lie  still  all  night, 
unless  he  should  call  for  them.  Of  those  that  were  in  health, 
some  were  ordered  to  keep  the  watch,  and  some  lay  down  and 
endeavored  to  get  some  rest ;  lying  down  in  our  clothes,  with 
our  arms  by  us.  I  lay  down  the  fore  part  of  the  night.  We  got 
little  or  no  rest,  the  enemy  frequently  raised  us  by  their  hideous 
outcries  as  though  they  were  about  to  attack  us.  The  latter 
part  of  the  night  I  kept  the  watch. 

"Wednesday,  20.  As  soon  as  it  began  to  be  light  the 
enemy  shouted  and  began  to  fire  upon  us  for  a  few  minutes, 
and  then  ceased  for  a  little  time.  The  serg[8]eant  ordered 
every  man  to  his  place,  and  sent  two  men  up  into  the  watch- 
box.  The  enemy  came  into  the  field  of  corn  to  the  south  and 
south-east  of  the  fort,  and  fought  against  that  side  of  the  fort 
harder  than  they  did  the  day  before ;  but  unto  the  north-west 
side  they  did  not  approach  so  near  as  they  had  the  first  day,  yet 
they  kept  a  continual  fire  on  that  side.  A  number  went  up 
also  into  the  mountain  north  of  the  fort,  where  they  could 
shoot  over  the  north  side  of  the  fort  into  the  middle  of  the 
parade.  A  considerable  number  of  the  enemy  also  kept  their 
axes  and  hatchets  continually  at  work,  preparing  faggots,  and 
their  stubbing  hoes  and  spades,  etc.,  in  order  to  burn  the  fort. 
About  eleven  o'clock,  Thomas  Knowlton,  one  of  our  men, 
being  in  the  watch-box,  was  shot  through  the  head,  so  that 
some  of  his  brains  came  out,  yet  life  remained  in  him  for  some 
hours. 

"  About  twelve  o'clock,  the  enemy  desired  to  parley.  We 
agreed  to  it,  and  when  we  came  to  General  De  Voudriule,  he 
promised  us  good  quarter,  if  we  would  surrender;  otherwise 
he  should  endeavor  to  take  us  by  force.     The  sergeant  told 


ii4. 


Appendix.]       Norton's  Redeemed  Captive. 


259 


,-;^'-; 


him  he  should  have  an  answer  within  two  hours.  We  came 
into  the  fort  and  examined  the  state  of  it.  The  whole  of  our 
ammunition  we  did  not  judge  to  be  above  three  or  four  pounds 
of  powder,  and  not  more  lead :  and,  after  prayers  unto  God  for 
wisdom  and  direction,  we  considered  our  case,  whether  there 
was  any  probability  of  our  being  able  to  withstand  the  enemy 
or  not ;  for  we  supposed  that  they  would  not  leave  us  till  they 
had  made  a  vigorous  attempt  upon  us;  and  if  they  did,  we 
knew  our  ammunition  would  be  spent  in  a  few  minutes  time, 
and  then  we  should  be  obliged  [g]  to  lay  at  their  mercy.  Had 
we  all  been  in  health,  or  had  there  been  only  those  eight  of 
us  that  were  in  health,  I  believe  every  man  would  willingly 
have  stood  it  out  to  the  last.  For  my  part  I  should ;  but  we 
heard,  that  if  we  were  taken  by  violence,  the  sick,  the  wounded, 
and  the  women,  would  most,  if  not  all  of  them,  die  by  the 
hands  of  the  savages ;  therefore  our  officer  concluded  to  sur- 
render on  the  best  terms  he  could  get,  which  were, 

"I.  That  we  should  be  all  prisoners  to  the  French;  the 
general  promising  that  the  savages  should  have  nothing  to  do 
with  any  of  us. 

"II.  That  the  children  should  all  live  with  their  parents 
during  the  time  of  their  captivity. 

"III.  That  we  should  all  have  the  privilege  of  being  ex- 
changed the  first  opportunity  that  presented. 

"Besides  these  particulars,  the  general  promised  that  all  the 
prisoners  should  have  all  christian  care  and  charity  exercised 
toward  them ;  that  those  who  were  weak  and  unable  to  travel, 
should  be  carried  in  their  journey ;  that  we  should  all  be  allowed 


A   i 


I  i.'i  iiiii^ifiiiiiiiiiii  MiiWTiiiWi  iiH  III  i#iriiiiii»i  ^-.>lM<»^^^li^^^(|^(l^|r|^^^|[il^^||^^ 


r  i 


*9.-:' 


260 


Norton's  Redeemed  Captive.       [Appendix. 


to  keep  our  clothing ;  and  that  we  might  leave  a  few  lines  to 
inform  our  friends  what  was  become  of  us.* 

"About  three  of  the  clock  we  admitted  the  general  and  a 
number  of  his  officers  into  the  fort.  Upon  which  he  set  up 
his  standard.  The  gate  was  not  opened  to  the  rest.  The 
gentlemen  spake  comfortably  to  our  people ;  and  on  our  peti- 
tion that  the  dead  corpse  might  not  be  abused,  but  buried. 
They  said  that  it  should  be  buried.  But  the  Indians  seeing 
that  they  were  shut  out,  soon  fell  to  pulling  out  the  underpin- 
ning of  the  fort,  and  crept  into  it,  opened  the  gates,  so  that  the 
parade  was  quickly  full.  They  [10]  shouted  as  soon  as  they 
saw  the  blood  of  the  dead  corpse  under  the  watch-box ;  but 
the  French  kept  them  down  for  some  time,  and  did  not  suffer 
them  to  meddle  with  it.  After  some  time  the  Indians  seemed 
to  be  in  a  ruffle;  and  ,>resently  rushed  up  into  the  watch-box, 
brought  down  the  dead  corpse,  carried  it  out  of  the  fort,  scalped 
it,  and  cut  off  the  head  and  arms.  A  young  Frenchman  took 
one  of  the  arms  and  flayed  it,  roasted  the  flesh,  and  offered 
some  of  it  to  Daniel  Smeed,  one  of  the  prisoners,  to  eat,  but 
he  refused  it.  The  Frenchman  dressed  the  skin  of  the  arm 
(as  we  .iterwards  heard)  and  made  a  tobacco  pouch  of  it.f 
After  they  had  plundered  the  fort,  they  set  it  on  fire,  and  led 
us  out  to  their  camp. 

*'We  had  been  at  their  camp  but  a  little  time,  when  Mons. 
Doty,  the  general's  interpreter,  called  me  a$ide,  and  desired  me 


*  Mr.  Norton  accordingly  wrote  a  brief 
letter,  which  he  placed  upon  the  well 
crotch.  It  was  afterwards  found  by  the 
English.  Its  contents  are  given  in  th- 
history  of  this  war,  page  izo. 

-j-  It  was  no  uncommon  thing  for  the 
Indians  to  make  use  of  the  skin  of  their 


enemies  in  this  way;  but  instances  of 
the  white  people  imitating  them  are  rare. 
It  is  probably  true  that  some  of  the  ICen- 
tuckians,  in  the  war  of  i8ia,  were  guilty 
of  such  adts,  after  General  Harrison's 
victory  of  the  Thames,  and  perhaps  at 
other  times. 


t.* 


Appendix.]       Norton* s  Redeemed  Captive. 


261 


to  speak  to  our  soldiers,  and  persuade  them  to  go  with  the 
Indians ;  for  he  said  the  Indians  were  desirous  that  some  of 
them  should  go  with  them ;  and  said  that  Sergeant  Hawks, 
myself,  and  the  families,  should  go  with  the  French  officers. 
I  answered  him,  that  it  was  contrary  to  our  agreement,  and  the 
general's  promise ;  and  would  be  to  throw  away  the  lives  of 
some  of  our  men  who  were  sick  and  wounded.  He  said,  no  \ 
but  the  Indians  would  be  kind  to  them ;  and  though  they  were 
all  prisoners  to  the  French,  yet  he  hoped  some  of  them  would 
be  willing  to  go  with  the  Indians. 

*'We  spoke  to  Sergeant  Hawks,  and  he  urged  it  upon  him. 
We  proposed  it  to  some  of  our  men  who  were  in  health, 
•  whether  they  were  willing  to  go  or  not,  but  they  were  utterly 
'  unwilling.  I  returned  to  Doty,  and  told  him  that  we  should  by 
no  means  consent  that  any  of  our  men  should  go  with  the 
Indians.  [11]  We  took  the  General  to  be  a  man  of  honor, 
and  we  hoped  to  find  him  so.  We  knew  that  it  was  the  man- 
ner of  the  Indians  to  abuse  their  prisoners,  and  sometimes  to 
kill  those  that  failed  in  traveling,  and  carrying  packs,  which  we 
knew  that  some  of  our  men  could  not  do;  and  we  thought  it 
but  little  better  for  the  General  to  deliver  them  to  the  Indians 
than  it  would  be  to -abuse  them  himself;  and  had  I  thought 
that  the  general  would  have  delivered  any  of  our  men  to  the 
savages,  I  should  have  strenuously  opposed  the  surrender  of 
the  fort,  for  I  had  rather  have  died  in  fight,  than  to  see  any  of 
our  men  killed  while  we  had  no  opportunity  to  resist.  He  said 
that  the  general  would  see  that  they  should  not  be  abused ;  and 
he  did  not  like  it  that  I  was  so  jealous  and  afraid.  I  told  him 
I  was  not  the  officer,  but  as  he  spake  to  me,  so  I  had  freely 
spoken  my  mind,  and  discharged  my  duty  in  it ;  and  he  had  no 
reason  to  be  offended,  and  I  hoped  the  general  would  not  insist 


262 


Norton's  Redeemed  Captive.       [Appendix. 


i.  '- 


H 


*«. 


il 


on  this  thing,  but  would  Tiake  good  his  promise  to  all  the 
prisoners.  He  went  to  the  general,  and  after  a  little  time  the 
officers  came  and  took  away  John  Perry  and  his  wife,  and  all 
the  soldiers  but  Sergeant  Hawks,  John  Smeed,  and  Moses  Scott, 
and  their  families,  and  distributed  them  among  the  Indians. 
Some  French  officers  took  the  care  of  the  families,  namely, 
Smeed's  and  Scott's ;  and  Mons.  Demuy  *  took  me  with  him, 
and  M.  St.  Luc  Lacornf  took  Sergeant  Hawks  with  him  ;  and 
so  we  reposed  that  night,  having  a  strong  guard  set  over  us. 

'*  Thursday,  21.  In  the  morning  I  obtained  liberty  to  go  to 
the  place  of  the  fort,  and  set  up  a  letter,  which  I  did,  with  a 
Frenchman  and  some  Indians  in  company.  I  nailed  the  letter 
on  the  west  post.  This  [12]  morning  I  saw  Josiah  Reed,  who 
was  very  weak  and  feeble  by  reason  of  his  long  and  tedious 
sickness.  I  interceded  with  the  general  for  him,  that  he  would 
not  send  him  with  the  Indians,  but  could  not  prevail.  I  also 
interceded  with  the  general  for  John  Aldrich,  who,  being 
wounded  in  the  foot,  was  not  able  to  travel ;  but  the  interpre- 
ter told  me  they  must  go  with  the  Indians,  but  they  should  not 
be  hurt  ;  and  that  they  had  canoes  a  little  down  the  river,  in 
which  the  weak  and  feeble  should  be  carried.  We  then  put 
up  our  things,  and  set  on  our  march  for  Crown  Point,  going 
down  the  river  in  Hoosuck  road.  I  was  toward  the  front,  and 
within  about  half  a  mile  I  overtook  John  Perry's  wife  ;  I  passed 
her.  M.  Demuy  traveling  apace.  1  spoke  with  her,  and  asked 
her  how  she  did  ?  She  told  me  that  her  strength  failed  her  in 
traveling  so  fast.     I  told  her  God  was  able  to  strengthen  her. 


'    r 


*  His  name  is  variously  written  in  the         f  Pierre  de  Chapt  La  Come.  He  was 

French  accounts,  as  De  Muy,  De  Muyes,  constantly    employed    till    the  fall    of 

Dumui,  etc. ;  he  was  a  lieutenant  in  much  Canada,    and    performed    many  exploits 

a£live  service.  against  the  English. 


\fK 


i  \ 


--'■^--'  ■  *--S-    -Ihy  ^I   ^ 


Appendix.]       Norton's  Redeemed  Captive. 


263 


In  him  she  must  put  her  trust,  and  I  hoped  she  was  ready  for 
whatever  God  had  to  call  her  to.  I  had  opportunity  to  say  no 
more.  We  went  about  four  miles  to  the  place  where  the  army 
encamped  the  night  before  they  came  upon  us.  Here  I  over- 
took neighbor  Perry,  which  surprised  me,  for  I  thought  he  had 
been  behind  me  with  the  French,  but  he  was  with  the  Indians. 
I  asked  him  after  his  health.  He  said  that  he  was  better  than 
he  had  been.  I  inquired  after  his  wife.  He  said  he  did  not 
know  where  she  was,  but  was  somewhere  with  the  Indians  ; 
which  surprised  me  very  much  ;  for  I  thought  till  then  she  was 
with  the  French. 

*'  Here  we  sat  down  for  a  considerable  time.  My  heart  was 
filled  with  sorrow,  expecting  that  many  of  our  weak  and  feeble 
people  would  fall  by  the  merciless  hands  of  the  enemy.  And 
as  I  frequently  heard  the  [13]  savages  shouting  and  yelling, 
trembled,  concluding  that  they  then  murdered  some  of  our 
people.  And  this  was  my  only  comfort,  that  they  could  do 
nothing  against  us,  but  what  God  in  his  holy  providence  per- 
mitted them  ;  but  was  filled  with  admiration  when  I  saw  all 
the  prisoners  come  up  with  us,  and  John  Aldrich  carried  upon 
the  back  of  his  Indian  master.  We  set  out  again,  and  had 
gone  but  a  little  way  before  we  came  up  with  Josiah  Reed, 
who  gave  out.  I  expedled  they  would  have  knocked  him  on 
the  head  and  killed  him,  but  an  Indian  carried  him  on  his  back. 
We  made  several  stops,  and  after  we  had  traveled  about  eight 
miles  we  made  a  considerable  stay,  where  we  refreshed  our- 
selves, and  I  had  an  opportunity  to  speak  to  several  of  the 
prisoners ;  especially  John  Smeed,  and  his  wife,  who,  being 
near  her  time,  was  filled  with  admiration  at  the  goodness  of 
God  in  strengthening  her  to  travel  so  far. 

"  I  saw  John   Perry's  wife.     She  complained  that  she  was 


liiiitite.i^i'ilitiV 


W  I 


t  ■ 


264 


Norton's  Redeemed  Captive.       [Appendix. 


almost  ready  to  give  out.  She  complained  also  of  the  Indian 
that  she  went  with,  that  he  threatened  her.  I  talked  with  a 
French  officer,  and  he  said  that  she  need  not  fear,  for  he  would 
not  be  allowed  to  hurt  her.  Mons.  Demuy,  with  a  number  of 
men,  set  out  before  the  army,  so  I  took  my  leave  of  her,  fear- 
ing I  should  never  see  her  more.  After  this  Sergeant  Hawks 
went  to  the  general  and  represented  her  case  to  him.  So  he 
went  and  talked  to  the  Indians,  and  he  was  kind  to  her  after 
this.  After  we  had  traveled  round  the  fields,  I  thought  he  was 
about  to  leave  the  river,  which  increased  my  fears.  But  I 
found  out  the  reason ;  for  they  only  went  to  look  some  build- 
ings to  plunder,  and  burn  them.  A  little  before  sunset  we 
arrived  at  Vandeverickes  place,  where  we  found  [14]  some  of 
the  army,  who  had  arrived  before  us,  but  most  of  them  were 
still  behind  ;  and  I  had  the  comfort  to  see  the  greatest  part  of 
the  prisoners  come  up  :  God  having  wonderfully  strengthened 
many  who  were  weak ;  the  French  carrying  the  women. 
There  were  some  few  that  tarried  behind  about  two  miles, 
where  Mrs.  Sneed  was  taken  in  travail :  And  some  of  the 
French  made  a  seat  for  her  to  sit  upon,  and  brought  her  to  the 
camp,  where,  about  ten  o'clock,  she  was  graciously  delivered  of 
a  daughter,  and  was  remarkably  well.  The  child  also  was 
well.  But  this  night  Josiah  Reed,  being  very  ill,  either  died  of 
his  illness,  or  else  was  killed  by  the  enemy  ;  which,  I  could 
never  certainly  know,  but  I  fear  he  was  murdered.* 

"  Friday,  22.  This  morning  I  baptised  John  Smeed's  child. 
He  called  its  name  CAPTIVITY.  The  French  then  made  a 
frame  like  a  bier,  and  laid  a  buck  skin  and  bear  skin  upon  it, 

*  It  might  not  have  been  perfeftly  clear     the  captives,  that   the  man   died  of  his  ^, 
to  Mr.  Norton  when  he  wrote  the  above,     malady.     No  captives  were  probably  ever 
but  it  was  made  clear  after  the  return  of    treated  better  under  similar  circumstances. 


ii«  «»tn  iiiiMi»iii«>«i  iniOMiiiiiiitoiin  i,iti^iimMmjmm»*MMM'»itjtmmmi>imma0K)H0iKit9ti^iitlk, 


Appendix.]       Nortoti^s  Redeemed  Captive. 


265 


and  laid  Mrs.  Smeed,  with  her  infant,  thereon;  and  so  two 
men  at  a  time  carried  them.  They  also  carried  Moses  Scott's 
wife  and  two  children,  and  ano' '  er  of  Smeed's  children.  The 
Indians  also  carried  in  their  canoes,  Br.  Simon  and  John  Aldrich 
and  Perry's  wife,  down  the  river  about  ten  miles. 

"  We  had  remarkable  smiles  of  Providence.  Our  men  that 
had  been  sick,  grew  better  and  recovered  strength.  The 
enemy  killed  some  cattle  which  they  found  in  the  meadow  ;  so 
that  we  had  plenty  of  fresh  provisions  and  broth,  which  was 
very  beneficial  to  the  sick.  I  then  expressed  a  concern  for 
the  feeble  people,  understanding  that  we  were  to  leave  the 
river,  and  travel  through  the  wilderness  near  sixty  miles  \  but 
Mons.  Demuy  told  me  I  need  not  fear,  for  the  general  had 
promised  those  Indians  a  reward  who  [15]  had  the  care  of  the 
feeble  persons,  if  they  would  be  kind  and  carry  them  through 
the  journey. 

"  This  night  I  visited  most  of  the  prisoners.  This  night, 
also,  died  two  Indians  of  their  wounds.  I'he  enemy  had  got 
four  horses.  ; 

"  Saturday,  23.  This  morning  the  general  sent  off  an  offi- 
cer with  some  men  to  carry  news  to  Canada.  This  day  we 
left  the  river  and  traveled  in  the  wilderness,  in  something  of  a 
path,  and  good  traveling  for  the  wilderness,  something  east  of 
north,  about  fifteen  miles  ;  the  French  still  carrying  Smeed's 
and  Scott's  wives  and  children ;  the  Indians  finding  horses  for 
brothers  Simon  and  John  Aldrich.  Perry  being  released  from 
his  pack,  was  allowed  to  help  his  wife,  and  carry  her  when  she 
was  weary.  About  three  in  the  afternoon  they  were  alarmed 
by  discovering  the  tracts  of  a  scout  from  Saratoga.  This  put 
them  into  a  considerable  ruffle,  fearing  that  there  might  be  an 
army  after  them.  But  I  presumed  that  they  need  not  be  con- 
Ii 


»WtPiM«MaM>^ 


'Pi 


'i!^ 


:;'!i 


i<i^ 


266 


Norton  s  Redeemed  Captive.       [Apphndix. 


cerned  about  it.  The  body  of  the  army  lodged  between  two 
ponds,  but  part,  with  a  number  of  the  prisoners,  were  sent 
forward  about  two  miles,  till  they  crossed  Sarratago  river  \  *  it 
is  there  twenty  rods  wide,  but  shallow  water.  This  night  also 
died  two  more  Indians  of  their  wounds.         '      > 

"  Lord's  day,  24.  This  day  we  set  out  in  the  morning  and 
came  to  Sarratago  river,  crossed  it,  and  came  to  our  company, 
which  had  been  before  us.  Here  we  came  to  a  rich  piece  of 
meadow  ground,  and  traveled  in  it  about  five  miles.  We  had 
good  traveling  this  day.  We  crossed  several  pieces  of  good 
meadow  land.  We  went  about  eighteen  [16]  miles.  John 
Perry's  wife  performed  this  day's  journey  without  help  from 
any.  Our  sick  and  feeble  persons  were  remarkably  preserved 
to-day  ;  for  about  two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  there  fell  a 
very  heavy  shower  of  rain,  which  wet  us  through  all  our 
clothes.  Mrs.  Smeed  was  as  wet  as  any  of  us,  and  it  being 
the  third  day  after  her  delivery,  we  were  concerned  about 
the  event ;  but  through  the  good  providence  of  God,  she  never 
perceived  any  harm  by  it,  nor  did  any  other  person  but  Miriam, 
the  wife  of  Moses  Scot,  who  hereby  catched  a  grievous  cold. 
This  night  we  lodged  in  the  meadow,  where  was  a  run  of 
water,  which  makes  a  part  of  Wood  Creek. 

*'  Monday,  25.  This  morning  we  set  out  and  traveled  about 
eleven  miles.  We  had  something  rough  traveling  to-day. 
We  quickly  left  the  small  stream  we  lodged  by  at  our  right 
hand  to  the  east  of  us,  and,  traveling  a  few  miles  over  some  small 
hills  and  ledges,  came  to  a  stream  running  from  east  to  west,! 


'**'  This  was  doubtless  the  Hudson  river, 
but  the  place  of  crossing  is  difficult  to  be 
ascertained.  The  two  ponds  do  not  ap- 
pear on  any  maps  in  the  editor's  posses- 
sion. Ed. 


f  Hence  they  were  at  a  stream  which 
falls  into  Lake  George;  having  its  rise  in 
the  vicinity  of  Wood  Creek ;  the  latter 
having  its  rise  in  Kingsbury,  near  the 
Hudson.     The    Indian    name   of    Lake 


«   * 


Appendu.]       Norton's  Redeemed  Captive. 


267 


about  two  or  three  rods  in  width,  and  about  two  feet  deep. 
We  crossed  it,  our  general  course  being  north.  Wc  traveled 
about  two  or  three  miles  farther  and  came  to  a  stream  runn.ng 
from  south-west  to  north-east,  about  six  rods  in  width,  which 
we  crossed.  And  this  stream  (which  we  suppose  to  be  Wood 
Creek*),  according  to  the  best  of  my  remembrance,  and 
according  to  the  short  minute  that  I  made  of  this  day's  travel, 
we  left  at  our  right  hand  to  the  east  of  us  ;  but  Sergeant  Hawks 
thinks  I  am  mistaken,  and  that  we  crossed  it  again,  and  left  it 
at  the  left  hand,  west  of  us.  I  won't  be  certain,  but  I  cannot 
persuade  myself  that  [17]  I  am  mistaken. f  The  French  and 
Indians  helping  our  feeble  people,  we  all  arrived  well  at  our 
camp,  which  was  by  a  couple  of  ponds.  Some  few  who  were 
before  us  went  to  the  drowned  Iand.|  . 

'*  Tuesday,  26.  This  day  we  took  our  journey.  Our 
course  in  the  morning  something  west  of  north.  In  traveling 
aboui  three  or  four  miles  we  came  to  a  mountain,  a  steep 
ascent,  about  eighty  or  one  hundred  rods,  but  not  rocky.  After 
we  passed  this  mountain,  our  course  was  about  west,  five  or  six 
miles,  till  we  came  to  the  drowned  lands.  When  we  came  to 
the  canoes,  the  stream  ran  f:om  north-east  to  south-west. § 
We  embarked  about  two  o'clock  ;  the  stream  quickly  turned 


Oeorge  is  CaitiaJ-eri-oii,  signifying  tie 
tail  of  the  lake.  It  is  the  Lac  du  Sacrt- 
ment  of  the  French.  Wood  Creek  the 
Indians  called  Otta-vaget.  Ed. 

*  No  doubt  that  branch  of  Wood 
Creek  which  falls  into  the  main  stream 
at  what  is  since  Fort  Anne  —  the  summit 
level  of  the  Champlain  canal.  Ed. 

\  Their  difficulty  seems  to  have  been 
in  mistaking  a  branch  for  the  real  Wood 


Creek.  Ed. 

X  These  extend  some  three  niles  along 
South  River  on  the  east  side,  beginning 
near  Lake  Champlain.  The  Indians  call 
them  Ond-cri-fue-gon,  or  the  conflux  of 
waters.  Basiier't  Map,  drawn  by  order  of 
Gen.  Amherst,  176a.    Ed. 

J  East  Creek  corresponds  to  this  ;  now 
called  Pawlet  river,  I  suppose,  which  hat 
ill  rite  in  what  it  Dorset,  Vermont.   Ed. 


I Iili  l|  imMi  I 


,tii,lt.nMM 


S 

'.i  / 


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%^: 


1      /P-: 


268 


Norton's  Redeemed  Captive.  '    [Appendix. 


and  ran  to  the  north.     We  sailed  about  eighteen  or  twenty 
miles  that  night,  and  encamped  on  the  east  side  of  the  water. 

"  Wednesday,  23.  [27th.]  We  embarked  abeut  nine  o'clock, 
and  sailed  to  Crown  Point,*  something  better  than  twenty 
miles.  Some  of  the  army  went  in  the  night  before,  and  some 
before  the  body  of  the  army.  The  sails  were  pulled  down, 
and  the  canoes  brought  up  abreast,  and  passed  by  the  fort  over 
to  the  north-east  point,  saluting  the  fort  with  three  volleys,  as 
we  passed  by  it.  The  fort  returning  the  salute  by  the  dis- 
charge of  the  cannon.  This  was  about  twelve  o'clock.  Here 
we  tarried  till  the  4th  of  September.  I  lodged  in  an  house  on 
the  north-east  point.  We  all  arrived  better  in  health  than  when 
we  were  first  taken. 

"Thursday,  28.  This  day  I  was  invited  by  Monsieur 
Demuy  to  go  over  and  see  the  fort,  which  I  did.  It  iS  some- 
thing an  irregular  form,  having  five  sides  [18]  to  it ;  the  ram- 
parts twenty  feet  thick,  the  breast  work  two  feet  and  half;  the 
whole  about  twenty  feet  high.  There  were  twenty-one  or 
twenty-two  guns  upon  the  wall ;  some  four  and  six  pounders, 
and  there  may  be  some  as  large  as  nine  pounders.  The  citadel 
an  octagon  built,  three  sto.-ies  high,  fifty  or  sixty  feef  diameter, 
built  with  stone  laid  in  lime,  the  wall  six  or  seven  feet  thick, 
arched  over  the  second  and  third  stories  for  bomb  proof.  In 
the  chambers  nine  or  ten  guns  ;  some  of  them  may  be  nine 
pounders,  and  I  believe  none  less  than  six,  and  near  twenty 
patararoes.f     But  as  my  time  was  short  I  cannot  be  very  par- 

*  The    French   built  a   fort   there    in  f  How  much  of  a  gun  a  patararot  was, 

1721,  which  they  named  Fort  St.  Fredv-'ric.  it  would  have  been  well  ;f  the  author  had 

The  Indiana  gave  that  spot  tha  name  of  informed    us,  ae   we    may   travel    from 

Tek-ya-dough-nigarigee,    which    signifies  Bluunt  to  Webster   without  finding  out. 

two  points  oppooite  to  each  other.   Bat-  Perhaps  derived  from  the  Spanish  petardo, 

sier,  ibidem.      Ed.  or,  pataremo.  Editor. 


SiBS 


Appendix.]       Norton's  Redeemed  Cap*:'ve. 


269 


ticular.     They  have  stores  of  small  arms,  as  blunderbusses, 
pistols  and  muskets.     This  night  proved  very  cold  and  stovmy. 

"  Friday,  29.  This  morning  Smeed's  and  Scot's  families 
were  brought  out  of  their  tents  into  the  house,  that  they  might 
be  more  comfortable.  It  rained  and  was  very  cold  all  the  day, 
and  at  night  the  wind  was  very  high. 

*■*■  Saturday  the  30th  was  something  warmer. 

"Lord's  day,  31.  We  had  the  liberty  of  worshiping  God 
together  in  a  room  by  ourselves.  This  day,  about  twelve 
o'clock,  the  enemy  who  went  ofF  from  us  from  Hoosuck,  the 
morning  after  we  were  taken,  returned,  and  brought  in  six 
scalps,  viz,  Samuel  Allen,  Eleazer  Hawks,  Jun.,  two  Amsdels, 
all  of  Deerfield ;  Adonijah  Gillet  of  Colchester,  Constant  Bliss 
of  Hebron,  and  one  captive,  viz.,  Samuel  Allen,  son  to  him 
who  was  killed.  He  was  taken  with  his  father  and  Ealeazcr 
Hawks.  The  Amsdells  and  Gillet  were  killed  in  Deerfield 
South  Meadow,  August  25th.  The  Indians  also  acknowledged 
they  lost  one  man  there.*  This  lad  [19]  told  us  they  had  not 
then  heard  in  Deerfield  of  their  taking  fort  Massachusetts.  A 
young  Hatacook  t  Indian  was  his  master,  and  carried  him  to 
St.  Francois. 

"Monday,  Sept.  i.  Tuesday,  2.  Wednesday,  3.  We 
tarried  still  at  Crown  Point.  The  weather  was  something 
lowry,  but  warm.  I  lived  with  the  general  and  about  half  a 
dozen  more  officers,  who  lodged  in  the  same  house.  Our  diet 
was  very  good,  it  being  chiefly  fresh  meat  and  broth,  which  was 
a  great  benefit  to  me.  We  had  also  plenty  of  Bourdeaux  wine, 
which  being  of  an  astringent  nature,  was  a  great  kindness  to 
me  (having  at  that  time  something  of  the  griping  and  bloody 


I. 


*  See  History  of  the  Fi've  Tears  War,         f  Perhapt    a    misprint    for   Scattacook, 
pp.  125,  126.   Ed.  Editir. 


WT' 


ippHvivi^miiM 


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il 


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270 


Norton's  Redeemed  Captive.       [Appendix. 


flux).  While  we  lay  here,  we  wrote  a  letter  to  the  Hon.  John 
Stoddard,  Esq.,  at  Northampton,  to  give  him  a  particular 
account  of  our  fight  and  surrender ;  as  also  some  other  private 
letters;  the  French  gentlemen  giving  us  encouragement  that 
they  would  send  them  down  by  some  of  their  scouts  to  some 
part  of  our  frontiers,  and  leave  them  ?o  that  they  should  be 
found ;  but  I  have  not  heard  of  them  since,  and  conclude  that 
they  destroyed  them.* 

"  Thursday,  4.  We  embarked  for  Canada  about  ten  o'clock, 
and  sailed  about  fifteen  miles.  Our  course,  I  judged  to  be 
north,  about  10°  east,  which  I  take  to  be  the  general  course 
from  Crown  Point  to  Champlain.  Towards  night  we  turned 
into  a  cove,  the  east  side  of  the  lake,  and  encamped,  having 
the  land  upon  the  south-west,  south  and  east  of  us.  Here  we 
were  to  wait  for  General  De  Vaudriule,  whom  we  left  at  Crown 
Point,  and  expe£led  would  come  to  us  this  night  or  in  the  morn- 
ing; but  the  night  proved  very  stormy. 

[20]  "  Friday,  5.  The  wind  blowing  hard  from  the  north, 
and  some  rain,  we  lay  by  to-day. 

"  Saturday,  6.  About  nine  o'clock  this  morning  the  general 
came  up  with  us  ;  then  we  embarked  and  sailed  with  a  pretty 
good  wind  the  bigger  part  of  the  day.  Towards  night  we  saw 
it  few  houses  on  the  west  side  of  the  lake,  but  I  suppose  that 
they  were  deserted.  We  sailed  at  least  three  score  miles  this 
day.  We  came  to  where  the  lake  Vas  but  a  few  miles  in  width, 
and  encamped  on  the  east  shore,  where  there  was  a  windmill 
and  a  few  houses,  but  were  all  deserted. f 


*  One  certainly  found   its  way  to  the  f  No  doubt  the  place  afterwards  called 

English,  and  was  seen  by  Deacon  Wright.  Windmill  Point  by  the  English,  and  not 

See  N.  B.  Hist,  and  Jen.  Rtff.,  II,  210.  far    from    the    mouth    of    Onion    river. 

Editor,  Editoi . 


■  '■il)iiiiiwW>i»)i»Wi' 


'1 'iV, 


Appendix.]       Nortori  s  Redeemed  Captive. 


271 


Lord's  day,  7.  We  rose  early  and  set  sail  as  soon  as  it  was 
fair  day-light,  having  a  good  wind,  but  the  wind  fell  about  eight 
o'clock,  that  they  were  obliged  to  ply  their  paddles.  When  we 
came  to  the  end  of  the  lake,  about  eleven  o'clock,  and  were 
entering  Champlain  *  river,  we  met  a  boat  with  three  men  in  it, 
who  brought  a  packet  of  letters  for  the  officers  in  the  army. 
They  gave  one  to  Mons.  Demuy.  After  reading  the  letter  he 
told  me  the  news  he  had  by  them,  viz.,  that  there  were  a  number 
of  ships  arrived  from  France  to  Quebec,  who  had  brought  them 
plenty  of  stores ;  that  they  came  in  company  with  a  fleet  of 
forty  large  men  of  war  from  the  Brest  and  Toulon  squadron  ; 
and  gave  the  following  account ;  that  the  English  fleet  having 
blocked  up  the  Brest  squadron  in  the  harbor,  the  admiral  of  the 
Brest  squadron  wrote  to  the  admiral  of  the  Toulon  and  Roch- 
fort  squadrons  to  come  to  his  assistance ;  who,  coming  on  the 
back  of  the  English  fleet,  and  the  Brest  squadron  issuing  out  at 
the  same  time  against  them,  there  ensued  a  terrible  [21]  fight,  in 
which  the  French  prevailed,  and  sunk  one-half  of  the  English 
ships,  and  put  the  rest  to  flight,  and  then  they  sailed  for  North 
America ;  f  that  the   King  sent  with  them  twelve    merchant 


■*  Chambly  or  ChatnbUe  river  is  un- 
doubtedly meant ;  called  also  Richelieu, 
and  Sorel,  by  the  French.  Further  on 
the  same  error  is  noted,  where  the  author 
speaks  of  Champlain  fort.  He  did  not 
distinguish  between  Champlain  and  Cham- 
blee.     Ed. 

f  There  appears  to  have  been  abso- 
lutely nothing  out  of  which  this  great 
fabrication  was  made.  It  refers  to  the 
mighty  fleet  under  the  Due  D'Anvillc, 
which  was  then  in  mid  ocean,  it  having 
left  Brest  on  the  lad  of  June  (1746), 
but  did  not  appear  on  the  New  England 


coast  until  the  beginning  of  September  ^ 
and  then  in  too  shattered  a  condition  to 
be  feared.  His  fleet  of  men  of  war  and 
transports  amounted  to  about  ninety- 
seven  sail ;  fourteen  were  ships  of  war, 
with  three  thousand  five  hundred  troops. 
His  fleet  was  watched  by  the  English, 
and  some  of  his  ships  taken.  Capt.  Leke 
took  one  of  sixty-four  guns ;  Saumarez 
one  of  sixty-four  ;  Boscawen  one  of  fifty, 
and  60  forth.  The  other  French  squad- 
ron referred  to  was  probably  that  of  M. 
De  Tourmell.  Saumarez  was  with  Anson 
in  his  late  voyage  round  the  world.   Ed. 


'i.  I 


I 


%    i 


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272 


Norton's  Redeemed  Captive.       [Appendix. 


^r.~^^B^B 

;;: 

c'^^H^R 

;'■ 

', 

ships  with  stores  of  ammunition,  clothing,  wine,  and  brandy, 
and  a  thousand  soldiers  to  strengthen  Canada ;  that  the  men  of 
war  were  divided  into  two  fleets,  one  of  which  did  now  block 
up  Louisbourg,  and  were  fighting  against  it,  and  the  other  part 
of  the  fleet  was  gone  for  Boston.  He  said  their  King  was  very 
angry  with  New  England  for  their  taking  Cape  Breton  ;  and  it 
was  probable  he  would  bring  them  into  subje£tion.  He  told  me 
also  that  they  brought  news  that  Edward  Stuart,  the  Pretender's 
youngest  son,  was  in  the  North  of  England,  and  had  a  powerful 
army  ;  and  that  great  numbers  of  English  resorted  to  him  daily,* 
and  it  was  probable  he  would  prevail  to  dethrone  King  George. 
I  told  him  that,  as  for  this  and  the  fight  at  sea,  I  had  good 
reason  to  think  they  were  false,  for  I  had  news  from  England 
since  the  Brest  fleet  had  sailed  out,  and  there  was  no  account  of 
these  things,  but  the  contrary.  He  told  me  also  that  Prince 
William,  the  Duke  of  Cumberland,!  was  killed  in  battle  at 
Culloden-Muir,  and  that  he  was  the  only  person  of  the  House 
of  Hanover  which  the  English  nation  loved  ;  so  that  although 
the  King's  army  got  the  vicSlory,  yet  it  was  a  loss  to  his  interest ; 
for  the  Duke  being  dead,  the  English  nation  would  revolt  from 
the  House  of  Hanover,  being  weary  of  it,  and  turn  to  the 
House  of  Stuart.  But  I  told  him  that  the  Duke  of  Cumber- 
land was  yet  alive,  and  as  he  had  been  a  scourge  and  terror  to 
the  King's  enemies,  so  we  had  reason  to  hope  he  would  still  be. 
He  grew  warm  in  his  debate,  called  the  King  [22]  a  usurper, 
the  nation  in  bringing  of  him  in,  Cromwell's  faction,  and  many 


*  This,  though  guess-work,  was  much 
nearer  the  real  state  of  the  case  than  the 
other  part  of  the  story.  They  probably 
had  heard  of  the  defeats  of  the  King's 
men  at  Falkirk  Moor,  Invernesa,  etc. 
Editor, 


f  William  Augustus,  brother  of  George 
II.  He  died  tine  prole,  1765.  He  put 
down  the  Pretender,  but  showed  himself 
quite  as  much  of  a  barbarian  at  thoM 
whom  be  conquered.  Ed, 


Appendix.]       Nortoti  s  Redeemed  Captive. 


273 


other  things,  upon  which  we  had  a  considerable  debate,  until  he 
grew  more  mild  and  began  to  flatter  ;  and  told  me  what  an 
amiable  man  the  Pretender  was,  and  what  good  times  it  would 
be  if  he  came  to  the  throne  of  England;  giving  free  liberty  of 
conscience  to  all  his  subje6ls  \  and  he  did  not  doubt  but  that 
they  would  return  to  the  church  of  Rome,  which  was  the  true 
church.  Our  children,  he  believed,  would  come  to  a  good 
union  in  religion. 

"  We  went  on  shore  at  the  first  house,  about  three  miles  above 
the  fort,*  where  they  were  called  together,  and  said  their 
prayers ;  and  as  soon  as  they  had  done,  Mons.  Dumuy  read  his 
letter.  Upon  which  they  all  shouted,  crying,  Vive  le  Roy  : 
q.  d.  Let  the  King  live.  Upon  which  several  of  the  young 
men  came  laughing  to  me,  and  by  signs  endeavored  to  inform 
me  what  the  news  was.  I  concluded  that  these  fine  tales  were 
framed  and  sent  to  meet  the  army,  in  order  to  keep  up  the 
courage  of  the  common  people  and  of  the  Indians,  who  seemed 
to  repent  of  their  engaging  in  the  war,  and  to  grow  very  weary 
of  it.  Though  I  found  afterwards  that  the  Brest  fleet  was 
a£lually  come  over,  with  a  design  against  New  England. 

"  From  thence  we  traveled  down  to  Champlain,t  where  the 
gentlemen  set  up  their  tents,  and  we  had  great  numbers  to  visit 
us  of  both  sexes.  There  I  expected  we  should  have  tarried 
that  night.  But  a  little  before  the  sun  setting,  M.  Dumuy 
came  and' ordered  his  canoe's  company  to  embark,  and  go  down 
the  river  \  and  told  me  I  must  go  with  them,  and  whatev  "  I 
stood  in  need  of,  his  people  would  [23J  give  me :  And  indeed 
I  wanted  nothing  ;  having  good  fresh  provisions  and  plenty  of 
wine  to  drink  ;    but  was  something  surprised  at  this  sudden 

*  ChambUcy  or  perhaps  more  probable,  f  Chamblee.  The  author  perhaps  had 
Fori  St.  John.  no  maps  to  refer  to. 

Kk 


t  -it 

•1:  'm 


t:  ; 
I  ^ 


,(  : 


.fflll'fW' 


, 


111 


274 


Norton's  Redeemed  Captive.       [Appendix. 


m:\ 


remove,  and  could  never  know  the  reason  of  it,  unless  it  was 
this,  viz,  some  of  the  French  and  Indians  going  out  from 
Crown  Point,  while  I  lay  there,  fell  on  a  number  of  our  men 
near  Saratago  ;  had  killed  some  and  taken  some  prisoners,  and 
were  come  to  Champlain  with  one  of  them ;  and  they  wanted 
to  get  what  news  from  him  they  could,  and  so  chose  to  get  me 
out  of  the  way,  and  some  others,  lest  we  might  give  him  a  cau- 
tion ;  and  he  really  wanted  a  caution,  for  he  told  them  that 
which  he  had  better  have  kept  to  himself,  viz,  the  miserable 
circumstances  of  Sarrtago  fort.* 

"  We  sailed  down  the  river  about  three  miles,  and  lodged  at 
a  poor  man's  house,  who,  according  to  his  ability,  was  courteous 
to  me.  I  lodged  with  him  in  his  own  bed,  which  was  the  first 
bed  I  had  lodged  in  since  my  captivity ;  and  though  it  was  a 
hard  bed,  and  destitute  of  linnen,  yet  it  was  very  comfortable 
to  me.  ....... 

"  Monday,  8.  This  morning  there  came  an  Englishman  to 
see  me  ;  his  name  Littlefield.  He  was  taken  a  lad  from  Pis- 
cataqua,  and  so  continued  with  the  French  and  lived,  having  a 
family  at  Champlain. f  We  had  a  considerable  discourse 
together.  About  eight  o'clock  we  embarked  ;  some  canoes 
passing  down  the  river  on  the  opposite  side.  We  sailed  over 
the  river  and  met  with  Mons.  Dumuy  and  took  him  in.  We 
sailed  down  the  river  about  fifteen  miles  and  dined  with  a  priest. 
The  country  on  Champlain  J  river  appeared  very  poor;  it  being 
cold  sour  land.  It  is  inhabited  on  each  side,  but  the  buildings 
are  [24]  generally  but  poor  huts.     This  day  Mons.  Dumuy 


*  This  affair  is  mentioned  in  the  Par  were  great  sufferers  in  the  earlier  Indian 

ticular   History  of  the   Fi've    Tears  War,  wars.     See  Penhalloiv,  Indian  ffa'-s,  pp. 

page  127.  44,  47,  71. 

I  Persons  of  the  name  of  Littlefield  J  Chamblee.     Ed. 


«.»*  ■• 


www 


Appendix.]       Norton's  Redeemed  Captive. 


275 


tells  me  another  piece  of  news,  viz,  '  that  one  of  their  men  of 
war  had  taken  an  English  man  of  war  near  Louisbourg,  after 
a  whole  clay's  engagement  ;  that  the  blood  was  midleg  deep  ■ 
upon  the  Englishmen's  deck  when  he  surrendered.'  I  told  him 
they  fought  courageously.  He  said,  *  True,  but  they  were 
taken  notwithstanding.'  He  said  '  they  had  taken  three  hun- 
dre^and  twenty  men  out  of  her,  who  were  coming  up  to  Que- 
bec, where  I  should  meet  them.'  This  was  nothing  but  the 
Albany  sloop,. one  of  the  men  of  war's  tenders,  which  Governor 
Knowles  sent  with  a  packet  from  Louisbourg  for  Boston. 
There  were  but  seventy  men  in  her.  She  was  taken  by  a 
French  man  of  war  near  Jebu6ta.  About  two  o'clock  it  began 
to  rain,  and  continued  a  cold  rain  all  the  rest  of  the  day.  We 
sailed  down  the  river  between  thirty  and  forty  miles,  and  then 
carried  over  our  canoes  and  packs  across  the  land  to  St.  Law- 
rence, which  was  about  three  miles ;  and  we  came  to  it  above 
Lozel,*  and  there  we  lodged  that  night,  in  a  French  house. 

"  Tuesday,  9.  This  morning  being  something  lowery,  we 
did  not  set  out  very  early.  The  wind  was  northeasterly  and 
pretty  high.  About  nine  o'clock  we  set  sail  up  the  river  for 
Montreal.  It  was  good  sailing.  We  dined  at  a  French 
gentleman's  house  on  the  eastern  shore.  There  was  an  Irish 
doftor  came  and  dined  with  us  —  his  name  O'Sullivan.  He 
pretended  a  great  deal  of  respe<ft  for  me,  and  compassion 
towards  all  the  prisoners ;  a  great  deal  of  friendship  to  the 
English  nation,  and  especially  for  the  House  of  Hanover ;  and 
he  inquired  after  the  state  of  Scotland,  and  pretended  to  rejoice 
that  the  Duke  cf  [25]  Cumberland  had  got  such  a  vidory  over 
the  Pretender  and  the  rebels.  But  I  presently  found  he  grew 
weary  in  hearing  the  particulars  ;  and  therefore  to  mortify  him 

*  Sorrel  is  doubtless  the  place  meant.     The  outlet  of  Lake  Champlain.   Ed, . 


■:mfM^^>i'^^s!y"'t/m:''<«f%''fv<^rin'\xmmf£Wij: 


|!  M 


276 


Norton's  Redeemed  Captive.       [Appendix. 


the  more,  I  told  him  all  that  I  could ;  *  then  we  set  sail  and 
went  within  about  five  miles  of  Mount  Real.  The  weather  was 
something  tedious,  and  it  rained  in  the  afternoon. 

'*  Wednesday,  10.  This  morning  it  rained  very  hard  till 
near  ten  o'clock,  about  which  time  the  general  and  some  others 
passed  by  us,  and  we  embarked  directly  upon  it,  and  arrived  at 
Mount-Real  about  twelve  o'clock. 

"  Mons.  Demuy  took  me  to  the  Governors.  He  said  but  little 
to  me.  He  only  told  me,  that  for  the  time  I  tarried  at  Mount- 
Real,  I  should  keep  at  Mons.  Demuy's,  but  that  after  a  few 
days  he  must  send  me  with  the  rest  of  the  prisoners,  to  Quebec. 
I  went  with  Mons.  Demuy,  and  was  courteously  entertained 
by  him  for  the  time  I  tarried  at  Mount-Real.  In  the  afternoon 
came  an  Englishwoman  to  visit  me.  She  was,  I  judged,  between 
sixty  and  seventy  years  of  age.  She  was  taken  when  a  child 
from  Merrimack-River.  Her  name  Hannah  Rie.  She  had 
been  married  to  a  Frenchman,  by  whom  she  had  four  children, 
three  sons  and  one  daughter.  Her  daughter  was  married  and 
had  several  children,  and  came  to  see  me.  I  saw  also  one  of 
her  sons.  She  had  been  a  widow  about  fourteen  years,  but 
was  under  very  comfortable  circumstances.  There  was  another 
Englishwoman  came  to  see  me,  who  was  taken  from  the  east- 
ward, but  I  have  forgot  both  her  name  and  place  where  she 
was  taken  from. 

"Friday  [Thursday],  11.  This  day  I  tarried  at  Mons. 
Demuy's,  where  the  Major  of  the  town  visited  me.  He  told 
[26]  me  that  he  married  an  Englishwoman  whose  name  was 
Storer.f     She  was  tak?.n  when  a  child  by  Indians,  from  Pisca- 

*  The  author  appears  to  have  suspeflcd  j-  Mention  was  often  made  of  child- 

Dr.  O'SuUivan's  sincerity   with  no  good  ren    being   carried    off  by    the    Indians, 

rea'on,  judging  from  anything  which  he  without  any  family  being   named;  as  in 

tells  us.   Editor.  this  case  :     "  1710.  This  summer,  four 


Appendix.]       Norton's  Redeemed  Captive. 


277 


taqua }  that  one  of  his  sons  was  down  at  the  taking  of  us. 
Mrs.  St.  La  Germine,  one  of  his  wife's  cousins,  who  was  also 
taken  with  her,  came  with  the  major,  and  was  able  to  discourse 
in  the  English  tongue.  She  told  me  that  the  Rev.  Mr.  Storer* 
of  Watertown  was  her  brother,  and  that  she  wanted  to  hear 
from  her  friends  ;  but  I  was  not  acquainted  with  any  of  them. 

"Friday,  12.  This  day,  about  two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon, 
we  embarked  in  boats,  and  set  sail  for  Quebec,  and  sailed  down 
the  river  about  five  leagues.  There  were  all  that  were  taken 
with  me  but  six  men  who  were  yet  with  the  Indians,  and  John 
Perry's  wife,  who  was  at  the  Three-Rivers.  There  were  also 
four  Dutch  with  us,  who  were  taken  near  Sarratago.  We 
lodged  in  a  house  upon  the  north-west  side  of  the  St.  Law- 
rence's river. 

"Saturday,  13.  This  day  we  had  a  fair  wind,  and  sailed 
down  the  river  twenty-five  leagues,  when  we  arrived  at  the 
Three  Rivers.  We  went  into  an  inn.  The  general  and  some 
others  of  the  gentlemen  which  went  down  with  us,  presently 
went  out  to  the  Governors,  leaving  only  their  soldiers  to  guard 
us.  And  after  a  little  time  the  Governor  sent  for  Sergeant 
Hawks  and  me  to  come  and  sup  with  him.  Accordingly  we 
went,  and  were  courteously  and  sumptuously  entertained  by 
him ;  and  while  wt  sat  at  supper  the  gentlemen  fell  into  dis- 
course about  the  wars,  and  about  the  wounds  they  had  received. 
The  general's  wound  was  discoursed  upon,  and  the  Governor 
desired  Sergeant  Hawks  to  show  his  scars,  which  he  did.     The 

children  are  taken  at  Exeter  while  at  play."  Discourses,  12.     He  died  Nov.  27,  1774, 

Belknap  (Farmer's  edition),  378.   Ed.  x.  72.   A.  B.   Fuller^  Record,      He  was 

*  The  Rev.  Seth  Storer  was  ordained  born   in   Saco,    the    son   of  Col.   Joseph 

at  W.,  22  July,  1724.  Francis,  ji.    The  Storer.  Allen.    Benjamin  Storer  was  killed 

author  speaks  of  notes  in  Mr.  Storer's  old  at   Wells,    April    12,    1677.      Hubbard. 

Almanacs,  which    he    had    seen.     Three  Editor. 


■;; 


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278 


Norton's  Redeemed  Captive.       [Appendu. 


li 

c- 

R'l 

"■■  r' 

Gover[27]nor  then  informed  us  of  a  fight  he  had  been  in  at 
sea  in  former  wars,  in  which  he  received  fifteen  wounds,  and 
he  shewed  us  several  scars.  This  I  thought  was  a  very 
remarkable  thing,  that  he  should  receive  so  many  wounds,  and 
yet  have  his  life  spared.  This  night  John  Perry's  wife  was 
also  brought  to  us,  and  added  to  our  number. 

"  Lord's  day,  14.  We  set  sail,  but  received  little  help  from 
the  wind.  The  soldiers  were  obliged  to  row  the  greatest  part 
of  the  day  ;  but  at  night,  the  tide  favoring  of  us,  we  sailed  till 
two  or  three  o'clock  in  the  morning.  We  sailed  in  the  day 
and  night  twenty-three  leagues.  Then  we  went  on  shore  the 
north-west  side  oi  the  river,  and  lodged  at  a  house  in  a  small 
village. 

"Monday,  15.  This  day  we  sailed  seven  leagues  and  came 
to  Quebec.  We  were  landed  at  the  east  point  of  the  town, 
where  St.  Lawrence  meets  with  Loretto,*  and  were  conducted 
up  by  a  number  of  soldiers  through  the  lower  town  to  the 
Governor  Generars,t  where  I  was  taken  into  his  private  room, 
and  he  desired  me  to  tell  him  what  news  we  had  in  New  Eng- 
land. I  told  him  of  considerable  news  we  had  from  Europe 
concerning  the  Duke  of  Cumberland's  vi(ftory  over  the  rebels. 
He  seemed  to  have  a  great  mind  to  persuade  me  that  the  Duke 
was  killed,  but  I  told  him  he  was  alive  and  well.  I  told  him 
of  several  other  pieces  of  news,  but  none  very  good  for  the 
French.  He  told  me  he  had  heard  that  we  designed  an  expe- 
dition against  Canada.     He  asked  what  there  was  in  it.     I  told 

*  A  small  village  of  Christian  Indians,  converts  here,  resembling  that  in  the 
three  leagues  north-east  of  Quebec.  It  famous  Italian  sanftuary.  These  con- 
has  its  name  from  a  chapel  built  accord-  verts  are  Hurons.  Morse.  Ed. 
ing  to  the  model  of  the  Santa  Casa  at  f  Roland  Michel  Barrin,  Count  de  la 
Loretto  in  Italy ;  from  which  an  image  Galissoniere  was  at  this  time  Governor  of 
of  the  Holy  Virgin  has  been  sent  to  the  New  France.  Ed. 


■^ 


mmm 


"i^i    P*  ^«iM'W*ll|  lhn»    ,^ 


Appendix.]       Norton's  Redeemed  Captive. 


279 


him  that  I  lived  at  a  great  distance  from  Boston,  and  could  say 
but  little  about  it.  I  had  heard  that  his  Majesty  had  sent  over 
to  some  of  the  governors  in  America,  that  he  )\7t'\  thoughts  of 
an  ex[28]pedition  against  Canada,  and  would  have  them  in 
readiness  to  assist  him,  in  case  he  should  send  a  fleet  over.  He 
inquired  what  it  was  that  had  put  it  by.  Something,  he  said, 
was  the  matter.  I  told  hfm  I  could  not  tell ;  so  he  seemed  tc 
he  pretty  easy. 

"  After  this  I  was  conduced  to  the  Lord  Intendants,  who 
inquired  also  after  news,  both  of  me  and  Sergeant  Hawks  ; 
after  which  he  gave  us  a  glass  of  wine  ;  then  we  were  con- 
ducted to  the  prisoner's  house,  which  is  a  guard-house  standing 
by  a  battery  towards  the  south-west  end  of  the  town,  about 
one  hundred  arid  fifty  feet  in  length,  and  twenty  in  width,  and 
two  stories  high  ;  and  we  made  to  the  number  of  one  hundred 
and  five  prisoners.  Here  we  had  the  free  liberty  of  the  exer- 
cise of  our  religion  together,  which  was  matter  of  comfort  to 
us  in  our  affliftion.  Sergeant  Hawks  and  myself  were  put  into 
the  Captain's  room,  where  we  found  three  English  masters  of 
vessels,  viz,  Mr.  William  Chapman  of  Maryland,  Mr.  James 
Southerland  *  of  Cape  Cod,  and  Capt.  William  Potef  of  Casco 
Bay,  who  had  all  been  prisoners  near  sixteen  months. 

*' Tniesday,  16.  This  day  there  came  some  gentlemen  to 
see  me,  among  whom  was  Mr.  Joseph  Portois,  who  under- 
stands the  English  tongue,  and  Mr.  Pais,  who,  Mr.  Portois  told 
me,  was  his  kinsman,  and  that  he  was  a  protestant,  and  came 


*  The  name  of  Southerland  or  Suther- 
land is  of  rare  occurrence  in  New  Eng- 
land records.  It  occurs  but  twice  in  the 
twenty-three  volumes  of  the  New  Er.g. 
Hist,  and  Gen.  Register,  and  then  with 
no  reference  to  a  Cape  Cod  residence.   Ed, 


f  He  belonged  to  Portland ;  went  there 
from  Marblehead  j  had  seven  sons ;  built 
the  two  story  house  near  Woodford's 
Corner  on  the  old  road  from  Portland. 
See  Willis,  Portland,  637,  where  other 
interesting  particulars  may  be  found.  Ed. 


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Norton* s  Redeemed  Captive.       [Appendix. 


on  purpose  to  see  me,  and  to  shew  me  a  kindness.  He  gave 
me  twenty-four  livres  in  cash.  From  this  time  to  the  23d, 
there  was  nothing  remarkable  happened,  only  this  :  —  that  the 
Jesuits  and  some  unknown  gentlemen,  understanding  I  was 
short  on  it  for  clothing,  sent  me  several  shirts,  a  good  winter 
coat,  some  caps,  a  pair  of  stockings,  and  a  few  handkerchiefs, 
which  were  very  accepjtable. 

[29]  *'  Tuesday,  23.  Capt.  William  Pote  was  taken  ill  with 
the  fever  and  flux.  Jacob  Reed  was  also  taken  with  the  same. 
This  day  came  into  prison  two  of  our  men  who  had  been  with 
the  Indians,  viz,  David  Warren,  and  Phinehas  Forbush,  who 
informed  that  John  Aldrich  was  in  the  hospital  at  Mount-Real. 
They  informed  us,  also,  concerning  some  other  prisoners  who 
were  taken  from  New  England,  and  with  the  Indians. 

"  Wednesday,  24.  There  came  unto  prison  forty-three  new 
prisoners,  who  were  taken  at  sea  by  a  couple  of  French  men  of 
war.  Among  whom  was  Mr.  William  Lambert,  master  of  the 
Billinder,*  one  of  the  men  of  war's  tenders,  who  was  taken 
near  Jebu£ta,  as  she  was  going  from  Louisbourg  to  Boston,  and 
Zephaniah  Pinkham,  master  of  a  whaling  sloop  from  Nan- 
tucket i  and  John  Phillips,  master  of  a  fishing  schooner  from 
Marblehead. 

"  Thursday  and  Friday,  25,  26.  There  came  in  about  seventy- 
four  prisoners,  all  taken  at  sea  by  the  aforesaid  men  of  war ; 
among  whom  were  several  masters  of  vessels.  This  day  f 
there  also  came  in  Jacob  Shepherd,  who  was  taken  with  me, 
and  had  been  with  the  Indians,  and  one  widow  Briant,  taikf " 
the  spring  before,  near  Casco  Bay.     There  was  nothing  further 

*  Properly  Bylander.  A  coasting  ve»-  f  Oilober  i,  Jacob  Shepard,  of  West- 
gel,  go  named  at  expressive  of  its  along-  borough,  taken  a*;  !!oo8uck,  was  brought 
/tore  use.  I  do  not  know  why  it  is  not  to  prison.  October  3,  Jonathan  Bather- 
|n  the  di^ionariet.  Ed.  ick  was  brought  to  prison.  How,  ig.  Ed. 


m 


iai. 


jnHj 


WW 


■■■iHM 


Mm 


Afpbndix.]       Norton's  Redeemed  Capthe. 


281 


remarkable  in  this  month ;  so  that  we  were  by  this  time 
increased  to  the  number  of  two  hundred  and  twenty-six. 

"  Lord's  day,  0£lober  5.  There  came  in  seventeen  prison- 
ers, viz,  three  of  our  men,  Nathaniel  Hitchcock,  Stephen  Scot, 
and  John  Aldrich  ;  two  taken  by  Indians  at  the  Eastward,  viz, 
Richard  Stubs,'*'  and  Pike  Gordon ;  and  twelve  from  the  Bay 
Verde. 

"  Lord's  day,  1 2.  There  came  twenty-four  men  taken  at 
sea  by  the  Lazora  and  Le  Castore  men  of  war. 

[30]  "  Wednesday,  22.  I  sent  a  petition  to  his  lordship  the 
General  of  Canada  or  New  France,  to  permit  me  to  go  home 
to  New  England,  upon  a  parole  of  honor,  setting  me  a  suitable 
time,  and  I  would  return  again  to  him  ;  but  I  could  not  prevail. 

"  Thursday,  23.  Edward  Cloutman  and  Robert  Dunbar, 
two  prisoners,  broke  prison  and  made  their  escape.  But  it  was 
found  out  the  next  morning,  and  we  were  upon  it  threatened  to 
be  confined  to  our  rooms,  but  this  threatening  was  never 
executed }  the  only  consequent  in  respe£i  to  us  was  to  have  a 
stricter  guard  kept  about  us  \  but  they  sent  out  a  number  of 
men  in  pursuit  after  them.f 

"Friday,  31.  Mr.  Phillips  and  Mr.  Pinkham,  with  about  a 
dozen  of  their  men,  went  out  from  us  in  order  to  return  home ; 
but  they  went  by  the  way  of  the  West  Indies.  | 

"  Here  I  shall  speak  of  the  sickness  that  prevailed  among 
the  prisoners.  It  had  generally  been  very  healthy  in  the  prison 
before  this  fall ;  f^r  though  there  had  been  some  prisoners  there 
sixteen  months,  and  about  Hfty  nine  months,  yet  there  had  but 


*  Taken  at  New  Caico.  Ibidem. 
Q€t.  19.  Six  seamen  are  brought  to  pri- 
»on.     06t,  20.  Jacob  Read  died.   Ibidem. 

^  0&.  *7.  A  man  wai  brought  to  pri- 
lon,  and  uyi  the  Indians  took  five  more, 

Ll 


and    brought    ten    scalps   to   Montreal. 
HoiUf  19, 

X  They  may  have  been  exchanged. 
The  author  seems  not  to  have  known  on 
what  terms  they  went  away      Ed. 


mmmmmmmm 

i-t.u..^-i,to.r.;. 


S 

I  li 


4 


mimmmmmmmmmmmimmmmmmmmm 


282 


Norton's  Redeemed  Captive.       [Appendix. 


i) 


two  died ;  the  first,  Lawrence  Platter.*  He  was  taken  at 
Sarratago,    Nov.    17,    1745,  and   died   the   winter   following. 

Johnesjf  taken  at  Contoocook  in  the  summer,  1 746,  and 

died  in  August  following. 

"  But  our  people  who  were  taken  at  sea  by  the  two  French 
men  of  war,  viz,  the  Lazora  and  Le  Castore,  found  a  very  mortal 
epidemical  fever  raged  among  the  French  on  board  their  ships, 
of  which  many  of  them  died.  The  prisoners  took  the  infec- 
tion, and  a  greater  part  of  them  were  sick  while  they  lay  [31] 
in  Jebuda  %  harbor ;  yet  but  one  or  two  of  them  died  of  it. 
And  when  they  set  out  from  thence  for  Menis,  some  of  them 
were  sick,  and  some  they  left  sick  at  Menis  when  they  set  out 
for  Canada.  Some  of  them  were  taken  with  the  distemper 
upon  their  passage  to  Canada,  and  so  brought  the  infection  into 
the  prison  \  and  the  fever  being  epidemical,  soon  spread  itself 
into  the  prisons  to  our  great  distress. 

"  Those  who  brought  it  into  the  prison  mostly  recovered, 
and  so  there  were  many  others  that  had  it  and  recovered  ;  but 
the  recovery  of  some  was  but  for  a  time,  —  many  of  them 
relapsed  and  died.  It  put  me  in  mind  of  that  text,  Jude,  ver. 
5,  *  /  will  therefore  put  you  in  remembrance.^  tho*  ye  once  knew  thisy 
how  that  the  Lord  having  saved  the  people  out  of  the  Land  of  Egypt, 
afterwards  destroyed  them  that  believe  not.'  Not  that  J  have  any 
reason  to  think  ill  of  those  upon  whom  the  sickness  fell,  and 
who  died  with  it.  Many  of  them,  I  hope,  were  truly  pious 
and  godly  persons.  I  thought  we  might  vet^  properly  take  up 
the  Lamentation  of  Jeremiah,    Lam.    i,   18.     *■  The  Lord  is 


*  Plaftr  it  probably  the  name  in- 
tended. See  ParticnUr  Uittory,  86,  87, 
where  will  be  found  an  account  of  the 
depredation  in  which  he  was  taken.  Rd. 

f  Thomas  Jonea.    See  liidtm,  95.  EJ. 


X  Chebudlto,  a  bay  and  harbor  on  the 
S  S.  £.  coait  of  Nova  Scotia.  Near  iti 
head,  on  the  west  side,  is  Hali^x,  set- 
tled by  the  English  in  1749.  ^^'  Morse, 
G»»ettttr,  ed.  1797,  art.  Chibucto.  Ed. 


warn 


iMflHi 


Appendix.]       Norton* s  Redeemed  Captive, 


283 


righteous^  for  I  have  rebelled  against  his  commandment.  Hear  I 
pray  for  you^  all  people^  and  behold  my  sorrow.  My  virgins  and 
my  young  men  are  gone  into  captivity.'  Ver.  20.  *  Jbroad  the 
sword  de^}oureth^  at  home  there  is  death.' 

"  Monday,  20.  Jacob  Reed  died.  He  was  taken  at  Gor- 
ham-Town,  near  Casco  Bay,  April  19,  1746.* 

"November  i.  This  day  died  John  Reed,  son  to  Jacob 
Reed,  deceased.  He  had  been  a  soldier  in  Annapolis,  and  was 
taken  near  the  fort  by  some  Indians,  May  9,  1745. 

"  Nov.  10.     Died  one Davis,t  a  soldier  belonging  [32] 

to  the  King's  forces  at  Louisbourg.     He  was  taken  on  the 
island  of  St.  John's,  July  loth,  1746. 

"Nov.  13.     Died  John  Bingham.     He  belonged  to  Phila- 
delphia, and  was  taken  at  sea.  May  22,  1745. 
•     "Nov.  17,  died  Nathan  £ames.;{;     He  belonged   to  Marl- 
borough in  the  province  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  was  taken 
with  me  at  Fort  Massachusetts,  August  20,  1 746. 

"  Nov.  18.  Died  at  night,  Andrew  Sconce.  He  was  taken 
near  Albany,  August  17th,  1747. 

"  Nov.  20.  Died  John  Grote  of  Shene<Stada.  He  was 
taken  April  27th,  1746.8 

*■*'  About  this  time  ||  there  came  into  prison  two  men  ^  ho 
were  taken  at  Sheepscot  in  the  eastward.  Their  names  Robert 
Adams  and  John  McNeer.     They  were  taken  O^ober  20th. 


■4m 


*  See  Particular  Hittory^  etc.,  page 
90.  Editor. 

I  Joha  Davit)  and  he  died  Nov.  9. 
Hovif  19. 

\  He  wu  doubtlet8  a  descendant  of 
Thomas  Eames  of  Sudbury,  who  was  so 
great  a  luffisrer  in  Philip's  war.  Barry 
(in  his  Framingiam)  has  no  NatAati,  but 


a  Natkanicl,  who  died,  he  says,  Jan.  ist, 
1746.  Ed. 

I  On  the  same  day,  Mr.  Norton  mar- 
ried the  two  captives,  Leonard  Lydle  and 
Mrs.  Sarah  Briant.  His  reason  for  not 
mentioning  it  in  his  narrative  may  be 
conjectured.  Ed, 

II  November  19th.  /faw,  19. 


I 


•■  *<P''mmmmmm<  m¥^ 


-■mmm.m^*^ 


i(|»iSftB«t^,(f:Sfi^.l 


!l 


■ifli 


284 


Norton* s  Redeemed  Captive.       [Ai-pendw. 


\m 


They  informed  that  one  of  their  neighbors,  named  Anderson, 
was  then  killed."' 

"  The  sickness  increasing  and  spreading  itself  so  greatly,  we 
sent  a  very  humble  petition  to  his  Lordship,  the  Governor 
General,  intrcating  that  the  sick  might  be  removed  out  of  the 
hospital,  least  the  whole  prison  should  be  infe£led ;  but  he 
refused  to  send  our  people  to  the  hospital,  for  they  told  us  that 
their  hospital  was  full  of  their  own  sick  ;  yet  he  did  not  wholly 
negle£l  our  petition,  but  ordered  that  one  of  the  most  conveni- 
ent rooms  in  the  prison  should  be  assigned  for  the  sick,  where 
they  should  all  be  carried,  and  have  their  attendance,  and  this 
was  dire<^ly  done,  and  the  sick  were  all  brought  in.f 

**  Nov.  24.     Died  John  Bradshaw.     He  belonged  to  Capt. 
Donahew.     He  was  taken  when  Capt.  Donahew  was  killed  at 
Ca»so,  June  29th,   1745.     He  was  wounded  when  taken,  but' 
recovered  of  his  wounds  ;■  soon  fell  into  a  consumptive  way, 
and  died  of  it. 

[33]  "  Nov.  28.  Died  Jonathan  Dunham.  He  was  taken 
with  Capt.  Pote  near  Annapolis,  May  17th,  1745.  He  died 
after  eight  or  ten  days  sickness. 

"  Nov.  29.  Died  William  Bagley.ij:  He  was  master  of  a 
vessel  taken  at  sea.  May  29th,  1746. 

"December  i.  Died  Gratis  Vanderveriske,  after  a  tedious 
sickness  of  six  or  seven  weeks.  He  belonged  to  Sarratago, 
was  taken  by  the  enemy,  November  17th,  1745. 

"  Dec,  6.  Died  Pike  Gordon.  He  was  taken  from  Bidde- 
ford,  September  5th,  1746 ;  was  sick  eleven  d'  ys,  and  all  the 
time  deprived  of  his  reason. 


*  Not.  ^^,  The  abovetaid  Andenon's 
uncle  wu  brought  to  priion.  Ai»w,  19. 
f  Jonathan  Dunham  died.  Hnv,  ao. 


X  Htm  hat  thk  under  the  same  date : 
"  Capt.  BaUey  of  Almtbury  died."  Bag- 
ley  h  probably  the  right  name. 


;!.r-;1*  »>..«•■  Vil"'-'- 


mssmmsssi 


rmm 


AmNDix.]       Norton's  Redeemed  Captive.  285 

"  Dec.  7.  Died  Martha  Quaquinbush,  a  girl  taken  at  Sar- 
ratago,  N(w.  17th,  1745.  She  had  a  long  and  tedious  sickness} 
what  it  was  is  uncertain.* 

"Dec.  II.  Died  Mirriam  the  wife  of  Moses  Scott.  She 
was  taken  with  me  at  Fort  Massachusetts.  She  got  a  cold  in 
her  journey,  which  proved  fatal,  her  circumstances  being 
peculiar.  She  was  never  well  after  our  arrival  at  Canada,  but 
wasted  away  to  a  mere  skeleton,  and  lost  the  use  oi'  her  limbs. 

"Dec.  15.  Died  John  Boon.  He  was  taken  at  sea,  May 
ist,t  1746.  He  died  of  a  consumption }  belonged  to  Devon- 
shire  in  England. 

"Dec.  18.  Died  Mary  Woodwell,  wife  to  David  Wood- 
well,!  of  New  Hopkinton  on  Merrimack  river.  She  lay  in  a 
burning  fever  about  a  fortnight.  She  was  taken  captive,  April 
27th,  1746. 

"  Dec.  23.  Died  Rebecca  the  wife  of  John  Perry.  She 
was  taken  with  me  at  Fort  Massachusetts,  August  20th,  1746. 
Her  illness  was  different  from  all  the  rest.  She  iiad  little  or  no 
fever  ;  had  a  cold,  and  was  exercised  with  wrecking  pains  until 
she  died. 

"  Dec.  24.  I  was  taken  with  the  distemper ;  was  seized 
with  a  very  grievous  pain  in  the  head  and  back  [34]  and  a 
fever ;  but  I  let  blood  in  the  morning,  and  took  a  good  potion 
of  physic,  and  in  a  few  days  another ;  so  that  I  soon  recovered 
again. 

"  Dec.  26.  Died  Wm.  Daily  of  New  York.  He  belonged 
to  Capt.  Rouse's  ship,  and  was  taken  upon  St.  John's  Island, 
July  loth,  1746.     He  had  a  very  long  and  tedious  sickness; 


*  She  WM  ten  years  of  age.   How.  X  See  Pcrtieular  Hiitorj,  etc.,   p.  94, 

f  One  of  Capt.  Robertion'i  lieutenants     where  will   be  found  some  particulars  of 
died.  Hom.  her  singular  Ticisitudes  of  fortune. 


it 
I 


..  -^  „ >.*i-«Ui 


lllt,.llll. 


I 
I 


286 


Norton's  Redeemed  Captive.       [Appindix. 


several  times  he  seemed  to  be  in  a  way  to  recover  ;  but  took 
relapses,  till  he  was  worn  out.  He  swelled  in  his  neck  and 
side  of  his  face,  and  mortified. 

"January  2,  1746-7.  Died  Thomas  Atkinson  of  Lanca- 
shire in  England  }  was  taken  at  sea,  May,  1 745  ;  his  sickness 
very  tedious  about  eight  or  nine  days  before  his  death. 

"  Jan.  3.  Died  Jonathan  Hogadorn.  He  belonged  to  the 
county  of  Albany,  and  was  taken  on  a  scout  near  Fort  Ann, 
Nov.  1 6th,  1745  ;  had  a  long  and  tedious  sickness  of  more 
than  two  months  continuance.* 

"  The  sickness  thus  increasing,  there  were  many  taken  sick, 
which  I  do  n't  pretend  to  mention.  The  sickness  also  got  into 
the  prison-keeper's  family.  He  lost  a  daughter  by  it,  the  4th 
instant.  Upon  this  the  Governor  ordered  a  house  to  be  pro- 
vided for  the  sick,  where  they  were  all  carried  the  1 2th  instant, 
about  twenty  in  number,  with  three  men  to  attend  them  ;  and 
after  this,  when  any  were  taken  sick,  they  were  carried  out  to 
this  house. 

"  Jan.  12.  Died  at  night,  Francis  f  Andrews,  of  Cape  Ann. 
He  was  taken  at  sea,  June  24,  1746,  and  died  of  the  bloody 
flux,  after  a  tedious  spell  of  it. 

*'Jan.  15.  Died  at  night,  Jacob  Bagley,J  of  Newbury, 
after  about  two  days  sickness.  He  was  taken  at  sea.  May 
26th,  1746. 

"  Jan.  27.  Died  Guyart  Brabbon,§  of  Maryland,  after  ten 
weeks  sickness  i  taken  at  sea.  May  22d,  1745. 


i : 


*  Jan.  4.     The  Rev.  Mr.  Norton  was  X  Hew^  ibiJtM,  gives  the  h€t  thua  : 

10  far  recovered  from  ticknen  that  he  Jacob    Baity,   brother  of    Capt.    Bailey 

preached  two  diicourtea  from  Pial.  60,  1 1 .  aforesaid,  died. 

f  Hew,  p.  10,  gives  the  name  Phineai  \  Giat  Braban,  Capt.  Chapman's  car- 
Andrews,  penter.  Ibidtm. 


lji,--i-*l:'r!a!TKfl 


ii«i|iriiii>ilii 


i[*ii«iiiiti 


-■HHitHi  nhjunii.  ^- 


Appbndw.]       Norton* s  Redeemed  Captive, 


187 


[35]  "  Jan-  ^3*  Died  Samuel  Lovet,  after  near  a  month's 
sickness.     He  was  taken  with  me.'^ 

"  Feb.  II.  Died  in  the  morning,  Moses  Scot,  son  to  Moses 
Scot.  He  was  a  child  of  about  two  years  old,  and  died  with 
the  consumptioji  In  the  afternoon  died  Wm.  Galbaoth,t  a 
Scots-man.  He  was  taken  at  sea,  April  4th,  1 746  j  was  sick 
about  a  month  before  he  died. 

"  About  this  time  !  had  another  turn  of  illness.  I  had  a 
grievous  pain  in  my  head  and  back.  The  AcQtoi  blooded  me, 
and  advised  me  to  go  to  the  hospital }  for,  he  said,  I  was  going 
to  have  the  distemper,  but,  by  careful  living,  1  soon  recovered, 
and  escaped  the  distemper. 

"Feb.  23.  Died  Richard  Bennet.  He  belonged  to  Capt. 
Rouse's  ship,  and  was  taken  at  the  island  St.  Jon's,  July  loth, 
1 746.  He  belonged  to  the  Jerseys,  and  had  a  long  and  tedious 
sickness. 

"  Feb.  24.  Died  Michael  Dogan,  an  Irishman.  He  listed 
at  Philadelphia,  a  soldier  for  Louisbourg,  and  was  taken  in  his 
passage  by  a  French  man  of  war.  He  had  been  sick,  and 
recovered,  but  took  a  relapse  the  20th  instant. 

"March,  1747.  The  fore  part  of  this  month  our  people 
were  generally  better  in  health  than  they  had  been,  and  we 
were  in  hopes  the  distemper  would  abate ;  yet  there  was  a 
number  sick. 

"March  5.  We  had  news  from  Nova  Scotia,  that  the 
French,  under  the  command  of  Mons.   Ramsey,  had  fallen 


m 


*  He  was  son  of  Major  Lovet  of  Men-  treal  to  Quebec,  rit.,  John  Sunderland, 

don.  Hne^  xo.  John  Smith,    Richard   Smith,  William 

f  Printed    Gar-waft  in   flow,  p.    ao.  Scot,   Philip  Scofil,  and   Benj.  Tainter, 

Feb.  !$■  My  nephew,  Daniel  How,  and  son  to  Lieut.   Tainter  ^  Wcitborough. 

lix  more  were  brought  down  from  Mon-  Hato^  20-1. 


288 


II       \ 


Norton* s  Redeemed  Captive.       [AmwDix. 


^! 


upon  an  English  army  at  Minis,  had  killed  one  hundred  and 
thirty-three,  and  had  taken  four  Tjundred  prisoners }  but  the 
truth  I  suppose  was,  that  they  had  killed  about  seventy,  and 
taken  about  as  many  more. 

**  March  18.  Died  Thomas  Magra,  an  Irishman.  He  was 
taken  in  the  Billinder.     His  sickness  was  very  short. 

[36]  "March  21.  Died  John  Fort,  servant,  a  Dutchman. 
He  was  taken  on  a  scout  near  Fort  Ann,  November  16th, 
1745.  He  died  of  a  consumption.  The  same  day  died  Samuel 
Goodman  of  South  Hadley.  He  was  taken  with  me  at  Fort 
Massachusetts,  and  died  of  the  scurvy. 

"  March  29.  Died  Mary,  the  wife  of  John  Smiled,  after  a 
tedious  sickness  of  about  eight  weeks ;  was  taken  with  me. 

"  April  7.  Died  John  Smeed,  Jun.  He  was  taken  with  me 
at  Fort  Massachusetts.  He  was  seized  with  the  distemper  in 
October  last,  and  was  bad  for  a  time,  and  then  recovered  in 
some  good  measure,  and  after  a  little  time  relapsed,  and  as  he 
did  several  times,  till  at  last  he  fell  into  a  consumption,  of 
which  he  died. 

"  April  8.  Died  Philip  Scaffield.  He  belonged  to  Pennsyl- 
vania soldiers,  was  taken  near  Albany,  0<^ober,  1746.  His 
sickness  was  short,  but  his  fever  very  violent. 

**  April  10.  Died  John  Jordan,  master  of  a  vessel  taken  at 
sea,  June  ist,  J  746.  He  came  sick  into  pris'^n,  but  seemed  to 
recover  ;  and  so  had  frequent  relapses  till  he  died.  He  belonged 
to  the  Bay  government. 

"  The  same  day  died  Antonio,  a  Portuguese.  He  was  taken 
in  the  English  service,  and  so  always  kept  confined.  His  sick- 
ness was  short. 

"April  12.  Died  Amos  Pratt.  He  was  taken  with  me. 
He  had  a  hard  turn  of  the  Fever  in  November  and  December, 


-'■"•■*•  -"-.--"T' ■■■-■-—  ----I ....1—^.,    , 


AmNDix.]       Norton* s  Redeemed  Captive. 


289 


but  recovered }  wast  taken  again  the  latter  end  of  March,  and 
to  continued  till  he  died. 

*'*'  April  13.  Died  Timothy  Cummingt.  He  was  taken  near 
George's  fon,  where  he  belonged,  May  aad^  I746>  His  sick- 
ness was  short  but  very  tedious. 

*^  April  16.  Died  John  Dill.  He  belonged  to  Nantasketti 
was  mate  of  a  sloop,  and  taken  at  sea,  near  JebudU,  May  29th, 
1746.  His  sickness  was  upon  him  about  ten  days  before  his 
death. 

[37]  "April  17.  Died  Samuel  Evans  of  Newbury.  He 
was  taken  at  sea  with  Capt.  William  Bagley.  He  had  a  fort- 
night's sickness. 

"April  18.  Died  Samuel  Vaughn,*  one  of  Capt.  Rouse's 
men,  taken  at  St.  John's,  July  loth,  1746.  He  belonged  to 
Plymouth  in  New  England.  He  was  sick  about  eight  days 
before  his  death. 

*' April  27.  Died  Joseph  Denning  of  Cape  Ann,  master  of 
a  fishing  schooner,  taken  at  sea,  June  24th,  1746.  He  was 
exercised  with  purging  the  greatest  part  of  the  winter,  and  was 
worn  out  with  it  and  died. 

*^  April  30.     Died  Susanna  Mc  Cartees,  infant  child. 

"  The  28th  of  this  instant,  when  the  prisoners  were  all  con- 
fined in  their  rooms,  but  one  or  two  in  the  lower  room  cook- 
ing the  pot,  the  prison  house  took  fire.  It  began  on  the  ridge. 
We  supposed  that  it  catched  by  sparks  lighting  upon  it.  It 
being  very  dry,  and  something  windy,  it  soon  spread  upon  the 
house,  and  we  could  not  come  at  it,  having  no  ladder,  to  quench 
it.  There  were  no  lives  lost,  but  many  lost  their  bedding  and 
clothing. 

We  were  conducted  by  a  strong  guard  to  the  governor's 


K 


*  Printed  in  HvwU  Narrative,  page  »i,  VtHhtn. 

Mm 


-  '\ 


^. 


I 


^p 


PHI 


'»*0'mkkmfm0tim»  ■'■  I 


tfe'.,Mi 


w 


i;! 


m 


ill 


•  ■' 

V 


290 


Norton's  Redeemed  Captive.       (Appindix. 


yard,  where  we  were  kept  till  near  night,  when  we  were  con- 
duced to  the  back  of  the  town  to  the  old  wall,  in  a  bow  of 
which  they  had  set  up  some  plank  tents  something  like  sheep's 
pens.  We  had  boards  flung  down  to  lay  our  beds  upon,  but  the 
tents  generally  leaked  so  much  in  wet  weather,  that  none  of  us 
could  lie  dry,  and  had  much  wet  weather  this  month. 

**  The  gentlemen  of  our  room  sent  in  a  petition  the  beginning 
of  May,  that  they  might  be  removed  to  some  more  convenient 
place.  Upon  which  we  had  a  house  built  for  us  in  the  prison- 
er's  yard,  about  twenty  feet  square,  into  which  we  were  removed 
the  23d  instant.  This  was  something  more  comfortable  than 
the  tents.  In  this  yard  we  were  confined,  having  the  wall 
behind  it  and  at  each  end,  and  the  fort  side  picketed  in,  and  a 
guard  of  about  twenty  men  to  keep  us  in  both  by  day  and  night. 

"N.  B.  I  should  have  observed  that  several  prisoners  were 
brought  into  prison  before  this;  as  Feb.  15th,  there  came  in 
seven  men  from  Mount-Real,  taken  the  summer  before.  [38] 
In  March  there  came  into  prison  a  Dutchman  from  Schanec- 
tada,  and  a  woman  from  Saratago. 

"  April  26th,  there  came  into  prison,  three  persons  taken  some 
time  before  at  Saratago,  and  Jonathan  Williamson,  taken  at 
Wiscassett,  at  the  eastward,  April  13th,  1747.* 


*  Probably  an  error,  and  should  be 
1746,  unleu  this  was  the  lecond  time 
Williamson  was  a  captive.  His  place  was 
at  Broad  Ray,  and  Smith  says  — Jour- 
nal, ^% —  news  came  to  Falmouth,  May 
2 1  ( 1 746)  that  "  the  Indians  had  burnt  all 
the  houses  at  Broaa  Bay."  Sullivan  says, 
page  168,  that  he  returned  out  of  cap- 
tivity the  next  year  (1748).  Williamson 
lived  at  Broad  Bay,  and  was  doubtless 
taken  when  the  place  was  destroyed.  If 
he  were  taken  on  the  1 3th  of  April,  and 


delivered  at  Quebec  on  the  a6th  follow- 
ing, it  was  rather  a  short  time  (thirteen 
days)  in  which  to  take  him  through  the 
wilderness,  judging  from  what  is  stated 
respeding  ;he  tedious  journeyings  of 
Indian  captives  of  that  time.  Nehemiah 
How  also  records  the  arrival  of  William- 
son, and  How  died  May  asth  following ; 
hencf  this  reduces  the  journey  to  twelve 
days,  if  Williamson  was  taken  in  1747. 
Circumstances  seem  to  authorize  the  cor- 
redlion  we  have  made.  Editor. 


('if, 
■iiH 


Appendix.]       Norton's  Redeemed  C  apt  rue. 


291 


(t 


May  9.  Died  Sarah,  the  rcli£t  of  Wm.  Bryant.  She  was 
taken  ~t  Gotham  Town,  near  Casco  Bay,  April  19th,  1746. 
Her  husband  and  four  of  her  children  were  then  killed  \  one 
escaping.     She  was  taken  sick  the  ist  of  May. 

'•'•  May  1 3.  Died  Daniel  Smeed,  a  young  man.  He  was 
taken  with  me,  and  was  son  to  John  Smeed.  He  was  first 
taken  sick  in  November,  and  by  frequent  relapses  was  worn 
out,  and  fell  into  a  purging,  hv  which  he  wasted  away  and  died. 

"  May  14.  Came  into  priso.i  John  Larmon,  taken  at  Dama- 
scota,  in  the  eastward,  by  eleven  Indians,  April  27th,  1747,  and 
informed  that  his  wife  and  daughter  were  killed  by  them. 

'*  May  15.  Died  in  the  morning  Christian  Tedder,*  of 
Schenedada,  taken  May  7th,  1 746.  He  was  taken  sick  about 
the  beginning  of  this  month. 

"  The  same  day  died  Mr.  Hezekiah  Huntington,  son  to  Col. 
Huntington  of  Norwich  in  Connefticut.  He  was  taken  at  sea, 
June  28th,  1746.  He  was  well  beloved  and  much  lamer.ted  by 
all  sober  religious  persons. f 

"  This  day  also  died  Joseph  Gray  of  Maryland.  He  was 
taken  by  sea.  May  22d,  1745.  A  likely  young  man.  Thus 
we  had  three  likely  young  men  taken  from  us  in  one  day. 

"May  17.  Died  Captivity  Smeed,  an  infant  about  nine 
months  old,  daughter  to  John  Smeed. 

"May  18.  Died  Samuel  Martin  of  Lebanon  in  Connecti- 
cut }  a  likely  young  man,  taken  at  sea.     His  sickness  short. 

"  This  day  there  came  into  Quebec,  a  schooner  and  sloop 
from  Martineco.  In  their  passage  they  took  a  sloop  bound 
from  Philadelphia  to  Antigua,  and  brought  in  four  of  her  men. 
This  day  came  up  three  prisoners  from  Bay  Verde,  viz.,  George 


*  Hoiu  hag  the  name  Fether, 


f  See  Particular  Hittory,  p.  97.    Ed. 


■i 


^^^ 


mt 


« 


: 


il.l 


292 


Norton's  Redeemed  Captive.       [Appendix. 


Schavolani,  Zechariah  Hubbard,  and  a  Negro,  and  three  from 
the  frontiers  of  New  England.  - 

"  May  19.  Died  Samuel  Burbank,  of  New  Hopkinson^  an 
old  man,  taken  April  22d,  1746.*  The  same  day  died  Abra- 
ham Fort,  son  to  John  Fort,  decease  taken  near  Fort  Ann, 
November  1 6th,  1745.       ;:  j,.  r' 

[39]  "  May  20.  I  was  taken  ill  with  a  grievous  pain  in  my 
liead,  and  a  sore  eye,  that  I  was  almost  blind  with  it.  The 
2i8t  I  yielded  to  be  sick.  Capt.  Roberts  and  Capt.  Williams 
were  also  both  of  them  very  sick,  being  taken  a  few  days  before 
me.  This  day  I  was  blooded.,  having  something  of  the  fever. 
The  23d  I  was  blooded  again  ;  the  dodlor  also  gave  me  a  bottle 
of  eye-water,  and  advised  me  not  to  be  concerned  about  the 
fever.  I  was  sensible  they  did  not  apprehend  how  ill  I  was.  I 
intreated  of  him  to  give  me  a  potion  of  physic,  which  he  did, 
the  25th,  and  it  worked  very  well.  In  the  night  I  fell  into  a 
sweat,  and  was  in  hopes  it  would  go  off,  but  I  was  sadly  dis- 
appointed, for  I  grew  worse  the  next  day.  My  reason  departed 
from  me,  and  returned  not,  until  the  14th  of  June.  Part  of 
this  time  I  was  given  over  by  every  one  that  saw  me.  J  had 
the  nervous  fever,  and  was  very  much  convulsed.  .<  was  ex- 
ceeding lew  and  weak  when  I  first  came  to  myself,  but  I 
recovered  strength  as  soon  as  could  be  expelled ;  for,  by  the 
24th  of  June,  I  got  out,  and  went  into  the  chamber. 

"May  21.  Died  Robert  Williaiiis.  He  belonged  to  Eng- 
land, and  was  taken  at  sea. 

"  May  22.  Died  Nathaniel  Hitchcock  of  Brimfield.  He 
was  taken  with  me. 

*  See    Particular    History,   page    9a,  died  two  chQdren,  who  were  put  out  to  the 

where  the  circumstances  of  the  attack  on  French  to  nurse."  How,  zx.    May  19,  he 

Hopkinton  are  detailed.     "  At  the  lame  mentions  receiving  a  letter  from  Major 

time  [the  death  ofMr.Burbank  happened]  WiUard,  which  is  his  last  entry.    Editor. 


m 


'r^»:jismfmw''t^^^'^WW'r''''* 


Appendix]       NortotC s  "Redeemed  Captive. 


293 


"May  25.  Died  Mr.  Neheiriah  How,  of  No.  2,  aged 
about  fifty-six ;  taken  at  Great  Meadow,  OAober  nth,  1745.* 

"  May  26.  Died  Jacob  Quaquinbush,  and  Isaac  his  son, 
both  taken  at  Sarathtoga,  November  17th,  1745. 

"  May  30.  Died  Jacob  Shepherd,  a  pious  young  man,  well 
beloved  and  much  lamented.     He  was  taken  with  me. 

**  June  3.  Died  Robert  David  Roberts  of  Dartmouth,  in 
England,  master  of  a  snow,  taken  at  sea.  May  ist,  1746. 

"  June  10.  Died  John  Pitman  of  Marblehead,  of  the  scurvy, 
taken  at  sea,  May  27th,  1747. 

"June  12.  Died  .Abraham  De  Grave  of  Sechanedada, 
taken  06t.,  1746. 

'  June  17.    Died  Samuel  Stacy,  taken  at  Menis,  Feb.,  1 746,  7. 
June  20.     Died  William   Nason  of  Casco  Bay,  taken  at 
Menis,  February,  1746,  7. 

"  June  30.  Died  Matthew  Loring,  taken  at  sea.  May  29th, 
1746. 

[40]  **  This  month  there  came  into  prison  several  prisoners ; 
first,  there  were  three  prisoners  brought  from  Mont  Real,  two 
of  which  were  taken  at  Sarratoga,  Feb.  22d,  1746,  and  one 
from  Canterhook,  April  loth,  1747.  One  man  killed  ;  at  the 
same  time  a  woman  and  child  captivated  with  him. 

**  June  5.  Came  in  two  men  taken  at  Pemaquid.  There 
were  twelve  men  killed  when  they  were  taken. 

"  June  II.  We  had  an  account  from  the  French,  that  they 
had  taken  a  number  of  Indians  and  Dutch,  who  had  first  done 
some  mischief  in  Canada.  There  was  about  fifty  in  the  whole 
scout,  and  they  had  taken  about  ten  or  twelve  of  them  in  this 

*  An  account  of  hti  captivity  was  pub-  CallsBian  of  Indian  Caftivitiu,  1839.  See, 
lithcd  in  1748,  and  republished  in  Drake's     alto,  Particular  Hiutry,  85.     Ed. 


u 


(( 


J  . 


ism 


294 


Norton's  Redeemed  Captive.       [Appendix. 


,  t 


Si}. 


month.  There  came  also  thirty-six  prisoners  from  Nova  Scotia, 
most  of  which  were  taken  at  Mcnis,  February,  1746,  7. 

"July  2.  Died  Archibald  Gartrage,  a  child,  and  son  to 
Charles  Gartrage,  aged  nine  months.  .-,  ; 

"  July  4.  Died  William  Prindle,  a  Louisbourg  soldier,  a  New 
England  man  originally,  taken  at  St.  John's,  July  loth,  1746. 

"  July  II.  Died  Corporal  William  Norwood.  He  belonged 
to  his  Majesty's  troops  which  came  from  Gibraltar  to  Louis- 
bourg, taken  at  St.  John's,  July  loth,  1746. 

"July  16.  Died  James  Doyl.  He  was  taken  at  sea.  May 
29th,  1746. 

"  The  same  day  died  Phinehas  Forbush,  of  Westboro',  taken 
at  Fort  Massachusetts  with  me.     He  was  a  very  likely  man. 

"July  21.  Died  Jonathan  Brigman,  of  Sunderland.  He 
was  taken  with  me  at  Fort  Massachusetts.  r 

"  July  25.  We  came  on  board  the  ship  Verd  Le  Grace,* 
which  the  governor  of  Canada  sent  with  ?.  flag  of  truce  to 
Boston.  The  27th  we  set  sail  for  New  Engiand,  at  ten  in  the 
morning.     August  ist  we  came  in  sight  of  Cape  Breton  Island. 

"August  II.  Died  on  board  our  flag  of  truce,  Nicholas 
Burt.  He  belonged  to  the  West  of  England,  and  was  taken  at 
sea.  May  ist,  1746.     Died  in  captivity,  in  all,  seventy-three. 

"August  16.  We  arrived  at  Boston.  The  sick  and  infirm 
were  taken  to  the  hospital.     Col.  Winslowf  sent  to  me  and 


*  The  ship  Vier,{e-de-Grace  [Hand- 
lome  Virgin],  Captain  Larregni.  See 
N.  r.  Col.  Docs.,  X,  118.     EJ. 

■f  Probablyjchn  Winslowjof  the  fourth 
generation  from  Governor  Winslow  of 
the  \fayflower.  He  was  in  the  calami- 
tous Cuba  expedition  of  1740;  in  the 
Nova  Scotia  expedition  of  1755,  *'*<' 
general  and  commander-in-chief  at  Fort 


William,  17565  councillor  of  the  Pro- 
vince, etc.,  etc. ;  died  in  Hingham,  1774, 
aged  seventy-two.  In  the  Newt-Lttttr 
of  5  June,  1760,  is  this  notice:  "In 
Capt.  Watts  came  passenger  General 
Winslow,  who  was  welcomed  ashore  and 
congratulated  by  a  great  nun^ber  of  peo- 
ple, upon  hia  return  to  his  native  coun- 
try." Editor, 


Appendix.]       Norton*s  Redeemed  Captive,  295 

desired  me  to  come  and  tarry  with  him  while  I  continued  in 
Boston.  I  thankfully  accepted  it,  and  was  courteously  enter- 
tained. This  was  a  day  of  great  joy  and  gladness  to  me. 
May  I  never  forget  the  many  great  and  repeated  mercies  of 
God  towards  me." 


End  of  the  Redeemed  Captive. 


POSTSCRIPT.  —  In  the  account  of  Capt.  Rouse,  given 
ante.,  pages  240-3 — in  noticing  the  antiquity  of  the  name  of 
Rouse — the  following  interesting  fa£ts  would  not  have  been 
inappropriate.  In  one  of  the  Hrst  voyages  made  into  the  West 
Indies  by  Capt.  Francis  Drake,  namely,  in  the  year  1572,  he 
met  there  one  Capt.  Rouse.  In  the  first  published  account  of 
that  voyage  the  name  is  spelt  Rause;  and  in  a  later  edition, 
sometimes  Rause  and  sometimes  Rawse.  These  spellings  might 
lead  one  to  suppose  the  original  may  have  been  Ross.  But  Sir 
William  Davenant,  who  lived  near  Sir  Francis  Drake's  time, 
and  wrote  a  play  which  he  entitled  the  History  of  Sir  Francis 
Drake^  in  which  he  introduces  Drake's  companions,  uniformly 
writes  the  name  of  this  one.  Pause.  Hence  it  is  presumed  that 
Ross  and  Rouse  are  distinct  names ;  and  that  Drake's  companion 
was  Rouse.,  and  not  Ross.  Davenant  printed  his  play  in  1659, 
"  Represented  daily  at  the  Cockpit  in  Drury-Lane  at  Three 
Afternoon  Punftually."  Perhaps  some  American  Rouse  may 
find  himself  a  descendant  of  the  old  freebooter  of  1572;  if  so 
he  may  derive  satisfa£lion  in  this  note,  if  not  in  his  progenitor. 


•iji' 
'ii ! 

m 


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APPENDIX    F. 


f 

1     ;  : 


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I 


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.;, 


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Page  i6o.  .  • 

|HE  following  observations  and  criticisms  on  the 
affairs  of  the  period  of  this  war,  admirably  exhibit 
the  condition  of  the  country,  the  circumstances  of 
the  people,  and  the  impressions  upon  their  minds  as 
to  the  conduct  of  their  rulers.  They  are  extracted  from  the 
close  of  Mr.  Doolittle's  Memoirs^  as  well  an  adl  of  justice  to 
him  as  for  the  reasons  before  stated.  It  should  be  remembered 
they  were  written  before  the  war  had  fairly  closed. 

^^  The  following  remarks  are  easy  and  natural  from  the  pre- 
ceding history : 

*'  ist.  What  a  great  dijfFerence  there  Is  between  our  managing 
a  war  and  our  enemies.  The  most  we  do  is  to  defend  ourselves 
at  home ;  but  they  are  for  an  offensive  war.  And  it  is  true  if 
they  have  any  they  must  have  this ;  for  a  defensive  war  they 
can  have  none  with  us :  for  not  a  man  of  ours  has  seen  a 
French  settlement  all  this  war,  except  such  as  were  carried  cap- 
tive or  went  with  a  flag  of  truce. 

^*  2dly.  It  is  a  rare  thing  we  can  obtain  an  Indian  scalp,  let 
us  do  what  spoil  we  will  upon  them  j  so  careful  are  they  to 
carry  off  and  conceal  their  dead.  For  at  Fort  Massachusetts, 
where,  it  is  probable,  near  sixty  *  have  been  killed,  never  have 
been  found  more  than  three  scalps,  which  shows  us  that  our 

*  The  number  killed  at  the  tiege  and  the  English  at  the  time.  But  the  be- 
died  of  their  wounds.  It  leemt  incredibly  siegers  showed  uncommon  daring,  and 
Urge,  too,  in  view  of  what  wa«  said  by     were  numerous. 


i 


mtatm 


muatd 


Appendix.]  Concluding  Observations. 


297 


men  will  not  venture  out  after  the  enemy  on  any  scalping  ad 
whatsoever.  Our  men  will  not  venture  their  lives  and  service, 
on  such  uncertain  encouragements ;  *  if  they  should  be  much 
greater  than  ever  they  have  been.  The  like  is  demonstrated  at 
Number  Four,  where  they  have  killed  so  many  of  the  enemy, 
never  a  scalp  could  be  recovered. f 

"  jdly.  We  may  observe,  of  how  much  importance  the 
enemy  judge  those  two  forts,  at  Number  Four,  and  Hoosuck, 
to  be  tc  us.  Hence  their  repeated  endeavors  to  destroy  them  \ 
which  they  would  not  do,  were  they  not  advantageous  to  us,  and 
in  their  way  in  coming  upon  us.  And  it  shows  how  much  it 
must  encourage  our  enemies  for  us  to  give  up  either  of  them. 

"  4thly.  We  may  observe,  how  safely  the  enemy  can  draw 
off  when  they  have  done  mischief.  I  think  but  one  instance  J 
has  there  been  all  this  war  of  our  pursuing  and  overtaking  the 
enemy  to  do  any  spoil  on  them,  and  there  are  many  reasons  for 
it :  One  is,  that  no  body  may  move  till  an  account  is  sent  to 
the  chief  colonel ;  and  then  men  must  be  mustered,  which  takes 
so  long  a  time  that  there  is  no  possibility  of  our  taking  them. 
Another  reason  is,  that  we  never  have  men  near,  equipped  to' 
pursue  them  in  the  woods ;  and  when  they  have  gone  a  few 
miles  in  the  woods,  they  are  discouraged  and  return  home. 

^*  Sthly.  It  is  observable,  that  the  continual  changing  of 
schemes  renders  all  measures  for  the  war  unsuccessful.  Before 
any  one  single  scheme  is  tried,  it  is  flung  up,  and  nothing  ever 

*  Aa  the  bounty  oflrered  by  the  govern-  %  The  author  probably  hai  reference 

ment  for  icalps.   Ed.  to  Capt.  Melvin't  expedition  j  or  perhspi 

-f-  Because  the  defender*  in  the  garrison  to  that  of  the  Mohawkt,  of  November, 

durst  not  venture  out  for  fear  of  being  cut  1746.     However  much  the  English  were 

off  by  some  in  ambush,  as  they  had  too  accustomed  to  the   woods,  the    Indians 

often  experience.   Ed,  were  far  more  at  home  there.   Ed. 

Nm 


^Mi 


■  »»'i»'itii>^m«  iin»,i  4<  M'* 


lift 


■tJK!l 


298 


Concluding  Observations.  [Appfndit. 


prosecuted  to  advantage  :  There  is  scarcely  any  one  scheme 
of  more  than  six  months  continuance. 

"6thly.  We  may  observe,  that  when  the  Province  have 
voted  any  number  of  men  for  a  particular  service,  by  that  time 
the  commissary  can  furnish  the  men  with  their  provisions,  their 
time  is  expired  ;  and  this  was  the  case  the  summer  past :  *  it 
took  the  greater  part  of  the  summer  to  supply  the  garrisons 
with  provisions ;  they  were  so  scarce :  And  the  soldiers  who 
were  designed  as  scouts  towards  Crown  Point,  were  a  good  part 
of  their  time  employed  in  guarding  provisions  to  the  forts. 

"  7thly.  It  is  observable  to  all  who  know  the  state  of  these 
frontiers,  that  there  is  not  due  provision  made  to  furnish  the 
men  out  on  any  occasion  after  the  enemy.  There  is  neither 
bread  nor  meat,  shoes,  blankets,  etc.,  that  a  number  of  men 
may  take  on  any  sudden  occasion.  They  have  their  bread  to 
bake,  their  meat  to  cook,  and  other  things  to  get,  when  they 
should  be  on  their  march :  f  And  so  long  as  this  is  the  case 
the  enemy  never  need  fear  our  annoying  them  when  they  have 
distressed  us.  -^ 

*'  8thly.  It  is  observable,  that  all  this  war  we  have  nevef  kept 
men  in  the  woods  towards  Crown  Point,  to  discover  their  large 
bodies  .nming  down  upon  us,  and  give  notice  of  an  approaching 
enemy :  So  that  they  came  securely,  week  after  week,  upon 
us  }  yea,  we  have  since  found  that  the  enemy  have  camped 
several  months  within  thirty  or  forty  miles  of  Fort  Dummer. 

"  9thly.  Another  thing  observable,  is  the  great  temptation 
soldiers  have  to  be  unfaithful  in  the  service.  For  there  is  no 
distinction  made,  as  to  their  wages,  between  a  soldier  in  an  old 
town,  one  in  a  garrison,  and  one  marching  in  the  woods  ;  who 


*  The  summer  of  1748.  Ed 


many  men  were  lost  on  the  4th  of  May, 


f  This  was  specially  the  case  when  so     1746.   See  Vaatt'i  Mancbesttr,  121,  Ed. 


r 


I 


Appendix.]         Concluding  Observations. 


299 


when  he  is  in  the  woods,  wears  out  as  many  clothes  as  his  wages 
will  procure,  besides  all  his  hardships  and  sufferings.  Soldiers 
therefore  choose  to  lodge  in  the  garrison  ;  and  think  hard  if  thejr 
must  be  kept  in  the  woods,  when  others  have  as  much  pay  in 
old  towns,  who  eat  and  lodge  well.* 

"  lothly.  We  differ  much  from  the  French  with  respeil  to 
the  war.  They  will  not  give  men  commissions,  'till  they  have 
been  out  in  the  war  and  done  some  spoil  on  their  enemies.  If 
the  like  method  was  practiced  with  us,  there  ..  >uld  be  fewer 
commissions  ;  and  more,  it  is  probable,  would  be  done  on  the 
enemy,  in  order  to  obtain  them.  But  so  long  as  no  regard  is 
had  to  this  in  promoting  of  men,  we  cannot  exped  men  will 
exert  themselves  as  they  ought  to  do. 

"  iithly.  The  reader  may  observe,  how  much  the  people  in 
the  western  frontiers  must  be  distressed  by  the  war,  and  how 
falsely  they  judge,  who  think  the  war  is  an  advantage  to  them. 
Their  case  is  most  distressing.  The  repeated  alarms  take  them 
off  from  their  business,  day  after  day,  for  forty  or  fifty  miles 
together ;  and  the  reader  is  to  observe,  that  in  the  preceding 
history,  there  is  mention  of  great  number  of  times  of  the 
enemy  being  seen  and  shot  at,  both  in  the  night  and  day  time ; 
and  of  their  setting  open  gates,  and  turning  creatures  into  fields 
to  devour  crops.  It  was  not  the  design  of  the  author  to  give 
you  an  account  of  the  people's  losses,  but  of  the  mischief  done. 
If  any  envy  the  inhabitants  in  the  frontiers  their  portion,  they 
may  come  and  take  their  lot  with  them. 


*  Wages  in  those  days  were  very  small. 
A  common  soldier  had  about  £,1  51.  a 
month;  acergeant,  £1  iii. ;  a  corporal, 
£1  %f.;  a  captain,  £4  loi.j  a  major, 
£8  lOJ.;  colonel,  £10;  brigadier-general, 
£15  i    a  surgeon,  £4  loi. ;   a  surgeon- 


general,  £5  5  clerk,  £1  I2J. ;  chaplain, 
£4  1 01. 5  captain  of  artillery,  £9;  lieut. 
of  artillery,  £4  lOi.;  gunners,  £2.  This 
lift  of  wages  was  made  up  with  refisrence 
to  the  Louisbourg  expedition,  and  was 
somewhat  modified  subsequently.   Ed. 


1  • 


■  f 


''J 


1^ 

•i 

■'I 

i 

'6. 


H 


inm 


300 


Concluding  Observations.  [Appendix. 


**  I2thly.  It  ought  to  be  observed,  that  great  injustice  is  done 
the  inhabitants  in  the  frontiers,  in  pressing  them  out  of  (heir 
business  into  the  Province  service,  either  to  follow  the  enemy 
or  convoy  stores,  and  not  rewarding  them  suitably.  They  are 
sent  out  day  after  day,  with  their  horses,  and  have  not  half  so 
much  per  day  as  they  must  give  a  man  to  labor  for  them  in  the 
mean  time. 

**  Lastly,  we  may  observe,  that  in  this  war,  as  we  increased 
in  our  number  of  men  in  our  forts  or  scouts,  the  enemy  have 
increased  their  numbers }  and  the  longer  the  war  continues,  the 
oftener  they  come,  and  the  more  bold  they  grew  \  which  shows 
us  what  we  must  expert,  if  the  war  breaks  out  anew  ;  especially 
at  this  time,  when  there  is  no  provision  made  for  men  in  our 
frontiers."  > 

'■•  "  END."  ■     '.-•''''  ;-""':vv:-"'.' 


*  If  the  people  on  the  frontiers  sup-  frontiers  probably  grumbled  berause  they 

plied  the  contradors  with    certain   arti-  had   not  an  opportunity  to  profit  by  the 

des,  those  able  to  supply  them  doubtless  war.     There  can  be  no  such  thing  ai  an 

were  benefited.     Those  away  from  the  equality  of  burthens  in  war.  EJ, 


,,'  ,  ,'',-'.'i^. 


.,>,■ 


'>■' 


\^ 


INDEX. 


ABANAp/JES,  of  St.  Francii,   34, 
36-3ti,  89,  III,  ia7,  148,  151. 

Abbot, ,  killed,  171. 

Abercrombic,  James,  25. 
Acadie,  origin  of  name,  51. 
Adami,  Robert,  a  captive,  132,  283. 
Aix  la  Chapelle,  treaty  of,  172. 
Albany,  in  peril,  27,  18,  37,  39  j  Indian 

conference  at,  53,  63,  84,  1 1 3  i  men 

killed  near,  98. 
Alden,  Timothy,  211,  241,  246. 
Aldrich,  John,  a  captive,  119,  256,  262; 

carried  on  Indian's  back,  263. 
Alexander,  Capt.,  (hoots  a  Frenchman, 

152. 
Algonkins,  join  the  French,   36,  39,  41, 

89. 
Allen,  Benjamin,    227 ;    Elijah,   killed, 

loi  ;  Joseph,  ih,,  229. 
Allen,  Samuel,  93,  126,  153. 
Allen,  William,  12,  15. 
Allen,  Zebulon,  captured,  146. 
American  Magazine,  47,  48,  58. 
Ames,  Jacob,  severe  fight,  156,  157. 
Amherst,  Jeflfery,  Gen.,  25,  210. 
Amrusus,  husband  of  Eunice  Williams, 

86. 
Amsden,  Oliver,  killed,  12$. 
Amsden,  Simeon,  killed,  125. 
Anderson,  James,  captured,  84  j  killed, 

132,  284. 
Anderson,  Samuel,  captured,  84. 
Anderson,  John,  captured,  1 54. 
Andrews, ,  wounded,  155;  Francis, 

dies,  286. 
Anson,  George,  Com.,   154,  248,  249, 

271. 
Annapolis,  attempted,  55;  relieved,  57. 


Antonio, ,  dies  in  prison,  288. 

Argall,  S.,  expedition  to  Canada,  51. 
Armadas,  notice  of,  129. 
Arresuguntoocooks,  treaty  with,  176. 
Ashley,  Jonathan,  11. 
Ashuelot,  since  Keene,  78,  93,  96,  I15  i 

attacked,  143,  149,  150. 
Askmacourse,  harbor,  66. 
Athol,  man  killed  at,  117;  Indian  name, 

ibidem 
Atkinson,  Theodore,  176;  Thomas,  dies, 

286. 
Attcnkins,  number  of,  34,  37. 
Auchmuty,  Roberi,    22;    Samuel,   Sir, 

22,  23. 
Aussaado,  a  Wewee'4ock  chief,  176. 
Avery,   ,    captured,    158;    Oliver, 

wounded,  153. 
Avery's  Garrison,  some  killed  at,  158. 

BABCOCK,  John,  captured,  157. 
Bacon,    Quartermaster,    wounded, 
loi  i  Ebenezer,  wounded,  227. 
Bagley,  Jacob,  dies  in  prison,  286. 
Bagley,  William,  dies  in  prison,  284. 
Baker,  James,  killed,  109. 

Ball, ,  killed,  158. 

Bancroft,  George,  16. 

Bane,  David,  227  ;  Joseph,  ibidem.     See 

Bkans. 
Barber,  John  W.,  cited,   11. 
Baron,  Timothy,  a  soldier,  228. 
Barrington,  Samuel,  Admiral,  250. 
Bassiere,  should  be  Brassier,  which  see. 
Batherick,  Jonathan,  a  captive,  280. 
Beaman,  John,  captured,  109,  no. 
Bean,  or  Beane,  John,  killed,  116;  Ste- 
ven, Thomas,  228. 


I 


.Jtk-wmmh. 


hi 


302  Index. 


U; 


MS 


■  '  '!  ..t 


Beard,  Robert,  killed,  149. 
Beatton,  R.,  cited,  47. 
Beauharnoii,  M.  de,  33,  76. 

Beckct, ,  Captain,  66,  67. 

Bedford,  men  ambuihcd  there,  88. 
Belden,  Aaron,  killed,  1 71. 
Belknap,  J.,  cited,  109,  Z15, 177. 
Bell,  John,  armourer,  228. 
Bemii,  Edward,  armourer,  228. 
Bennet,  Moaea,  Captain,  228  ;  Richard, 

113;  diea  in  priaon,  287. 
Berry,  Thomas,  at  Indian  conference,  63. 
Berwick,  people  killed  at,  159,  160. 
Bickford,  William,  killed,  163. 
Bigga,  William,  cited,  207. 

Billinga, ,  killed,  168. 

Bingham,  John,  dies,  283. 
Blachford,  Benjamin,  a  captive,  178. 
Blake,  Nathan,  taken,  93;  ranaomed,  153. 
Blanchard,  William,  taken,  163. 
Bliaa,  Constant,  killed,  124,  126. 

Blodget, ,  killed,  166. 

Bollan,  William,  29. 
Bolton,  William,  a  captive,  150. 
Book  of  the  Indians,  reference  to,  133. 
Boon,  John,  dies  in  prison,  285. 
Boovce,  Peter,  captured,  151. 
Boacawen,  Edward,  Admiral,  154,  201. 
Boularderie,  M.,  defeated,  214. 
Bouquet,  Henry,  Col.,  cited,  133. 
Bourne,  Melatiah,  Sylvanua,  229. 
Boynton,  John,  killed,   149. 
Brabbon,  Guyart,  dies  in  priaon,  286. 
Bradbury.  Jabez,Capt.,  79,  80,  99,  151; 

Nathan,  killed,  151. 
Braddock,  Edward,  Gen.,  21,  25,  2 
Bradley,  Jonathan,  killed,  Ii6j  Samuel, 

ibidtm. 
Bradahaw,   John,  killed,   76 ;    one   diea, 

284. 
Bradt, ,Capt.,  142;  John  A., killed, 

170. 
Brainerd,  David,  death  of,  151. 
Braatier,  William,  hit  map,  267. 
Breda,  treaty  of,  51. 
Bret,  Piercy,  Capt.,  1 54. 
Briant,  William,  killed,  90 ;  Sarah,  280, 

diea  in  captivity,  291. 
Bridgman's  Fort,  attacked,  109;  burnt, 

'S3- 
Bridgman,    Jonathan,    119;     wounded, 
236  J  dies,  294;   Thomas,  11. 


Broad  Bay,  depredation  at,  99. 

Brown,    John,    wounded,    142}    Joaiah, 

Capt.,  105;  Timothy,  96. 
Brunswick,  men  killed  near,  80,       , 
Bryan,  William,  murder  of,  234. 
Buck,  John,  wounded,  96. 
Buckler,  Robert,  soldier,  229. 
Bull,   Edward,    14;}    Nathaniel,    killed, 

ibidtm. 
Bullard,  John,  killed,  93.  . 

Bunten, ,  killed,  88. 

Buntin,  Robert,  and  son,  taken,  158. 
Burbank,  Samuel,  taken,  92 ;  dies,  93, 

292. 
Burn,  Patrick,  a  aoldier,  229. 
Burnet,  William,  built  Fort  Oawego,  52. 
Burnet,  or  Burnel,  killed,  159. 
Burnet's  Field,  surprise  at,  148. 
Burns,  Robert,  escape  of,  88. 
Burt,  Asahel,  killed,  143  \   Nicholas,  diea, 

294. 
Butler,  Caleb,  cited,   157. 
Butler,  Richard,  of  Boston,  229, 
Butler,  Walter,  exploit  of,  138-40. 
Burton,  Stephen,  wounded,  no,  230. 
Byron,  John,  adventures  of,  249,  250. 

CABOT,  pretended  discovery  of,  188. 
Cxsar,  a  saying  of,  ;2. 
Cacknawages,  number  of,  34. 
Cadaraqui,  Lake  Ontario,  65. 
Caldwell,  George,  killed,  145. 
Calmady,  Warwick,  Capt.,  184,  209. 
Canada,  population  of,  34  j  belonged  to 

the  French,  50;  condition  of,  65. 
Canajohara  Indian  killed,  144. 
Canceau,  or  Canso,  captured,  23,  198} 

by  the   French,  54 ;  great  rejoicing 

in  France,   57 ;  Gut  of,  described, 

42,  200. 
Cape  Breton,  importance  of,  6 ;  belonged 

originally  to  England,  88. 
Cape  Cod  Indian,  feat  of  one,  216. 
Cape    Sable  Indians,  43 ;    war   declared 

against,    61,   82  j  some  taken,   77; 

infedlion  among,  132. 
Captives,  return  of  some,  172. 
Carqueville,  Sieur  de,  exploit  of,  40. 
Carr,  James,  killed,  158;  Richard, 

wounded,  230. 
Carrying-place,  at  Wood  Creek,  91. 
Carthagena,  disastrous  expedition,  195. 


Index. 


303 


C<tkebee,  Ciico  Bay,  179. 

Chandler, ,  killed,  168. 

Chapeau-Rouge  Bay,  ao6,  114. 
Chapin,  ElUha,  exploit,  160,  161. 
Chapman,  William,  a  pritoner,  279,  a86. 
Charleitown,  why  to  named,  14a. 
Charlevoix,  P.,  cited,  41,  43,  188. 
Chatelain,  Lieut.,  exploit  of,  ill. 
Cheaole,  Edward,  a  captive,  179,  180. 
Cheap,  David,  Capt.,  cait  away,  149. 
Chebu£to,  its  locality,  181. 
Cheney,  William,  a  soldier,  130. 
Chester,  man  killed  there,  88. 
Chew,  Lieut.,  fight  and  loaa,  147,  170. 
Choate,  John,  63,  176,  130. 
Clark,  Edward,  Lieutenant,  330;  Elijah, 

killed,   150;    George,  killed,   145; 

Matthew,  killed,  97. 
Clermont,  M.,  at  liege  of  Annapolis,  55, 

57- 

Cletson,  ,  Capt.,  at  Deerfield,  136. 

Clevea, ,  Capt.,  voyage,  240. 

Clinton,  De  Wit,  62. 

Clinton,  George,  Gov.,  34,  62,  65,  66, 

69,  82,  113,  178. 
Clinton,  Peter,  u  captive,  178. 
Cloutman,   Edwar>  ,   a  captive,  90,  91} 

escapes,  281. 
Cobb,  Syivanus,  journal  of,  230. 

Coffin, ,  Capt.,  173. 

Colbe,  Timothy,  a  captive,  178. 
Colerain,  men  killed  at,  97;  fort,  104, 

137,  138- 

Colmaii,  Benjamin,  30;  dies,  150. 

Colson,  Timothy,  a  captive,   178. 

Colville,  Alexander,  Lord,  250. 

Concord,  men  surprised  and  killed,  1 1 6. 

Conde,  Adam,  killed,  170. 

Conessetagoes,  number  of,  34. 

Connedticut,  in  the  Louisbourg  expedi- 
tion, 28,  69,  84,  198;  population, 

35- 

Conntr,   Francis,   a   captive,    170,   178  j 
John,  killed,  234. 

Contoocook,  attacked,  95,  1 16. 

Cook,  Elisha,  killed,  95  ;  Thomas,  96. 

Cooper,  Boyce,  captured,   8 1  j    Moses, 
killed,  156. 

Corbett,  Jesse,  drowned,  9a. 

Corlaer's  Creek,  38,  39. 

Corne,  St.  Luc  de  la,  at  Fort  Massachu- 
setts, 36. 


Cornwall,  Frederick,  Capt.,  lis. 
Cotton,  Rowland,  Secretz.y,  107. 
Covell,  William,  wounded,  131. 
Cox,  John,  Capt.,  killed,  145}  Jocepb, 

killed,  146. 
Crecy,  Joaeph,  a  soldier,  231. 
Creighton,  David,  killed,  81. 
Crisson,  Thomas,  captured,  168. 
Cromwell,  Oliver,  51,  272. 
Crosby,  Josiah,  petitioner,  231. 
Crown   Point  expedition  frustrated,  27  j 

French     magazine,    28 ;     Fort    St. 

Frederick,  36  ;  seized  by  the  French, 

ja,  S3i  some  Mohawks  assault,  124. 
Croxford,  William,  killed,  173. 
Cumberland,   Duke  of,  victorious,  171, 

275,  ^8. 
Cummingi,    Timothy,    captutdd,    loo) 

dies,  289 


DAILV,  William,  a  prisoner,   113} 
dies,  285. 
Dalhonde,  John,  physician,  231, 
232. 

Damariscotta,  people  killed  at,    143, 
144. 

Darling,  Lieut.,  169;   killed,  170. 

Davarisks,  James,  deserter,  229. 

David,  Capt.  [Donahew.^],  4a,  43. 

Davis, ,  Capt.,  113,  173;  Jedidiah, 

232  j    John,  wounded,    100,  233 ; 
dies,  283. 

D'Anville,  Due,  disaster  of,  154,  271. 

Debeline,  Mons.,  defeat  of,  140-1. 

Deerfield,  attack  on,  125,  126. 

D'Estaing,  Count,  250. 

Dexabrevoie,  Capt.,  36. 

De  Graaf,  Klas  A.,  killed,  190;  Abra- 
ham, dies,  293. 

Delancy,  James,  a6. 

Demuy,   Mons.,    Lieut.,   40,   x6a,  264, 
268,  271,  273,  274,  276. 

Denning,  Joseph,  dies  in  prison,  2J9. 

Diary  of  depredations,  6,  107-74. 

Dickinson,  Nathaniel,  killed,  143. 

Dill,  John,  dies  in  captivity,  289. 

Dixwell,  Bazil,  Lieut.,  232. 

Doane,  Elishii,  Captain,  232. 

Dod,  John,  killed,  162. 

Dogan,  Michael,  dies  in  prison,  287. 

Dogaman,  Peter,  a  prisoner,  178. 


*jJw»«l>h<i  tmtj^ 


>«MH^Ki 


304 


Index. 


I'r  : 


lit- 


I 

>■■■ 


^"1 


™ 

F 

■  ''h 

. 

...14  .. . 

'( 

'fefi': 


Dogt,  employed,  101  j  give  notice  of  the 
vicinity  of  Indians,  114,  116,  117) 
order  to  diipote  of  them,  l]a{  in 
the  Florida  and  other  wan,  133. 

Dolibcr,  Thomas,  133. 

Donahew,  David,  Capt.,  43  ;  exploit,  66  { 
iurpriied  and  ilain,  75  ;  of  Newbury, 

77.  8»»  >99.  »»9.  a33.  »84- 
Doolittle,  Benjamin,  10, 13,  78,  94,  105, 

109,  135,  152,  396}  Hon.  Mark, 

II. 
Door,  Jonathan,  a  captive,  iii. 
Dorman,  Ephraim,  exploit,  93. 
Doty,  Mom.,  interpreter,  160,  s6l. 
Douglai,  James,  Capt.,  109. 
Douglait,  William,  cited,  17,  54,  $6,  58, 

6»,  66,  67,  71,  75,  i7»,  103,  an, 

an,  a47. 
Dove",  Allen,  attacked,  116. 
Downing,  John,  176;  Robert,  113. 
Downs,  Gershom,  killed,   in. 
Doyle,  James,  dies  in  captivity,  394. 
Drake,  Francis,  Captain,  395. 
Drake,  Nathaniel,  Captain,  114. 
Dresser,  Nathaniel,  killed,  14a. 
Drisdell,  Eleanor,  344. 
Drown,  Samuel,  wounded,  146. 
Drowned  Lands,  location  of,  367. 

Dubuque, ,  31. 

Du  Chambon,  M.,  a  poltroon,  54,  aai. 
Dudley,  Joseph,  his  war,  1 3. 
Dummer,  Jeremiah,  cited,  ao,  33. 
Dummer,  William,  his  war,  14. 
Dunbar,  Robert,  escape  of,  90,  381. 
Dunham,  Jonathan,  dies  in  prison,  384. 
Dunn,  John,  Major,  333. 
Duplessis,  Sieur,  36,  89. 
Duquesnel,  Meneville,  Gov.,  54,  56. 
Durel,  Philip,  Capt.,  209,  3io. 
Duvivier,    M.,  takes  Canceau,  33,    54, 

183,  19a,  199. 
Dwight,  Jasper,  councillor,  195. 
Dwight,  Joseph,  Gen.,  131, 
Dyer,  Reuben,  captured,  145, 
Dyre,  Joseph,  comprint  of,  333. 

EAMES,  Nathan,  a  captive,  119)  dies, 
383. 
Eaton,  Cyrus,  cited,  33,  80 )  Eben- 
ezer,  killed,  159. 
Eden,  Daniel,  a  captive,  178. 
Edghill, ,  a  captive,  168. 


Edwards,  Jonathan,  1 5a  {  Richard,  Capt., 
aia. 

Egeremmet,  a  Penobscot  chief,  176. 
Eliot,  John,  cited,  33$  Mr.,  killed,  14]. 
Ely,  Joseph,  wounded,  141. 
Eneas,  a  Norridgwok  chief,  176. 
Epaom,  people  captured,  149. 
Erving,  John,  30  ;  Shirley,  ikidtm. 
Eiparagoosaret,  a  Penobscot  chief,  176. 

Estabrook, ,  killed,  133. 

Eustis,  William,  Gov.,  31. 
Evans,  Samuel,  diet  in  prison,  at9. 

FALAISE,  Lieut.,  exploit,  no. 
Fall  Town,  Bernardston,  96,  1371 
men  killed,  148. 

Falmouth  attacked,  143,  144. 

Farmer,  Daniel,  taken,  168  ;  John,  cited, 
315,377. 

Fainsworth,  Stephen,  91. 

Farnsworth,  Samuel,  killed,  lot. 

Fearne,  John,  at  Louisbourg,  334. 

Fisher,  Josiah,  killed,  78. 

Fitch,  John,  and  family,  carried  off,  165. 

Flag  of  truce,  discussion  on,  138,  139. 

Flathead,  tribe  of  Indians,  38. 

Folles  Avoines.     See  Wild  Rica. 

Folsom,  George,  cited,  138. 

Poison,  John,  Killed,  :49. 

Forbush,  Phinehas,  380 }  dies,  394. 

Fort,  Abraham,  dies,  393 ;  John,  Capt., 
dies,  87,  388. 

Fort  Dummer,  101,  109,  153,  156. 

Fort  Halifax  built,  30.  .  , 

Fort  Hinsdale,  location,  137. 

Fort  How,  location,  1 37. 

Fort  Massachusetts,  104;  captured,  1 17, 
118,  146,  159,  160;  names  of  pri- 
soners, n9;  French  account,  I33{ 
fight  there,  146;  other  fadts,  353, 
354,  359,  burnt;   360,397. 

Fort  Niagara,  location,  53. 

Fort  Pelham,  men  at,  137. 

Fort  St.  Frederick,  36;  built,  53,  134. 

Fort  Shirley,  137,  353. 

Fort,  Southerland,  a  prisoner,  178,  179. 

Fort  Western  built,  30. 

Foster, ,  killed,  143. 

Fowle,  Daniel,  printer,  35 1. 

Fowler,  Jeremiah,  93. 

Frankland,  Henry,  Sir,  39. 

Frement,  Samuel,  a  captive,  179. 


■■mm. 


i 


,1  ,1.      ,  „.i»n;V,n.^ 


iMrt.llfciijI   U 


Index. 


305 


French,  Nathan,  killed,  16]. 

French,  dncumenti,  expeditioni,  9  ;  war 
periodi,  13,  I4{  a  great  arm»da  lent 
againit  New  England,  a6 )  barbar- 
iim  off  32 ;  their  management  of 
the  Indians,  33;  piwieued  advan- 
tage* over  the  Englieh,  34;  their 
account  of  rxpeditioni  lent  againit 
New  England,  3;--4i{  their  story 
of  wrongi,  41-44  {  receive  early 
intelligence  of  thr  declaration  of 
war,  47;  had  a  better  title  to  New 
England  than  the  English,  50,  53; 
run  away  with  the  bone,  5a;  built 
their  forts  with  English  strouds,  '•^•^\ 
take  Canso,  54  ^  defeated  by  Dona- 
hew,  66;  ships  taken  at  Lcuis- 
bourg,  70  ;  losses  there,  70  ;  prison- 
'  ers  shipped  to  France,  71,  71;  take 
Fort  Massachusetts,  119-22;  an 
armada  sent  against  New  Kngland, 
129;  great  sickness  among,  132; 
bounties  for  prisoners  and  scalps, 
134;  success  at  Pemaquid,  145, 
146;  defeat  at  Fort  Massachusetts, 
147;  besiege  it,  254;  take  and 
burn  it,  260. 

Frost,  John,  killed,  163. 

Frousac,  Strait,  42. 

Fuller,  Thomas,  saying  of,  190. 

Furbuah,  Phinehas.     See  Forbush. 

GABARUS    BAY.       See  Chapiau- 
ROUGC. 

Galbaoth,  William,  die*  in  prison, 
287. 
Galissoniere,  Count  de  la,  278. 
Ganiengoton,  takes  scalps  to  Montreal,  37. 
Oanon,  M.,  accusation  against,  41. 
Gardner,  John,  a  pilot,  234. 
Garrish,  George,  a  smith,  234. 
Gartrage,  Archibald,  dies  in  captivity,  294. 
Oatienoude,  an  Iroquois,  killed,  37. 
Gatroup,  Mattee,  a  captive,  178. 
Gayton,  Pierce,  Capt.,  183,  184,  234. 
George  Second,  King,  47,  272. 
George's  Fort,   79,  82,  83,  99,  151. 
Gerrish,  Samuel,  77. 
Gibson,  James,  Col.,  22,  23,  72. 
Gillett,  Adonijah,  killed,   126. 
Gilson,  Michael,  wounded,  109. 
Girard,  Lacroix,  Capt.,  222. 

Oo 


Girler,  William,  a  pilot,  23$. 

Glen,  Jacob,  Jr.,  kilted,  170. 

Gort'e,  John,  Cipt.,  march  of,  95 ;  Wil- 
liam, a  captive,  178. 

Goodale,  Thomas,  killed,  i  $3. 

Goodman,  Samuel,  a  captive,  1 19  ;  die*, 
288. 

Gordon,  Joseph,  killed,  i«8  {  Pike,  • 
captive,  ibidem,  28 1  ;  die*,  284. 

Gorham,  John, Capt.,  42  ;  Col.,  58,  129, 

«7!,  4J5- 

Gorhamtown,  tragedy  at,  90,  283. 

Gould,  Nathaniel,  killed,  153. 

Graves,  Asahel,  killed,  168;  Samuel, 
wounded,  164. 

Graville,  Aylmer,  commissioner  of  ex- 
change, 172. 

Gray,  Joseph,  dies  in  captivity,  291. 

Great  Meadow*,  surprise  at,  77  j  location, 

78,85-  ■        .     . 

Green  Farms,  location,  39.  ,f     ■    '  ■ 

Green  River,  garrison,  138. 
Gridley,  Richard,  Col.,  69. 
Groot,  Simon,  killed,  98. 
Grote,  John,  dies  in  prison,  283. 
Groton,  tragedy -at,  156. 

Groves, ,  Lieut.,  146. 

Greely,  Philip,  killed,  116. 
Guerrefille,  Greenfield  ?   39. 
Gun,  Samuel,  killed,  164. 

HAGADORN,  Jonathan,  a  captive, 
87  ;  dies,  286. 
Hall,  Andrew,  77. 

Halliburton,  T.  C.,  cited,  67,  191,  a66, 
267. 

Hancock,  Thomas,  231. 

Hardy,  Charles,  Sir,  201, 

Harry,  Indian  chief,   176. 

Harris,  Thomas,  235. 

Harrison,  W.  H.,  Gen.,  260. 

Harrytown,  location  of,  95. 

Hart,  Ensign,  his  company  surprised,  131. 

Hartwell,  Edward,  Major,  94. 

Harvey,  Benjamin,  killed,  151  ;  Josiah, 
wounded,  100;  Moses,  92. 

Hawes,  Lieutenant,  killed,  145. 

Hawke,  Edward,  Sir,  250. 

Hawks,  Eleazer,  killed,  1255  Gershom, 
wounded,  104;  John,  Sergeant, 
wounded,  97  j  at  Fort  Massachu- 
setts, 118,  152-5,  277. 


i    I 


\ 


w 


1 1 


1!^ 


1  'J 


►.  i 


306 


Index. 


Hawley,  Lirut.,  wounded,  171. 

Heard,  Joseph,  killed,  rii. 

Heaton,  Cornet,  wounded,  105. 

Henderson,  John,  taken,  153. 

Hendrick,  expedition  into  Canada,  135, 
148. 

Henry  Fourth,  declares  war,  51. 

Henry,  John,  captured,  168. 

Hicks,  Nathaniel,  wounded,  235. 

Hills,  Daniel,  a  soldier,  235. 

Hilton,  Ebenezer,  killed,  149;  William, 
taken,  ibidem. 

Hinkley, ,  killed,   144. 

Hinsdale's  fort,  ambush  near,  iii,  153. 

Hitchcock,  Nathaniel,  a  captive,  119, 
281  ;  dies,  292. 

Hobbs,  Humphrey,  Capt.,  163-5. 

Hocquart,  M.,  76. 

Hodgdon,  Mrs.,  killed,  159;  Jonathan, 
ibidem. 

Hulburne,  Adp^iral,  242. 

HoUis,  Isaac,  160,  161. 

Holmes,  Abiel,  cited,  112. 

Holton,  Jacob,  killed,  94, 

Hoosuck  Fort.   See  Fort  Massachusetts. 

Hoosuck  River,  39;  Road,  262. 

Hopkins,  Captain,  126. 

Housatunnuk  Indians,  77. 

How,  Daniel,  Jr.,  taken,  68,  109,  iio, 
287. 

How,  Nehemiah,  taken,  85,  109;  dies, 
293. 

Howard,  John,  killed,  162. 

Howe,  Caleb,  78. 

Hoyt,  Moses,  a  soldier,  235. 

Hubbard,  Zechariah,  a  captive,  292. 

Hunniwell,  Roger,  wounded,  235. 

Hunt,  Eliakim,  killed,  100. 

Huntington,  Hezekiah,  97  ;  dies  in  cap- 
tivity, 291. 

Hutchinson,  Eliakim,  29,  31. 

Hutchinson,  Thomas,  on  Shirley,  17; 
Speaker  of  the  General  Court,  107  j 
commissioner,  63,  84;  portrait, 
108;  cited,  112;  at  the  Indian 
treaty,  176;  anecdote  from,  177. 

NDIANS,  easily  imposed  upon,  33  j 
chiefly  on  the  side  of  tht>  French, 
34 ;  numbers,  ibidem  ;  tribes  engaged 
with  the  French,  41  ;  contagion 
spread    among,   43  j   had   ^tcai   »d- 


I 


Indians  (continued) —  '• 

vantages  in  a  war,  41  ;  had  causes 
of  complaint,  49  ;  great  conference 
at  Albany,  53;  St.  John  tribe,  and 
others,  attempt  the  surprise  of  An- 
napolis, 55  ;  some  employed  as 
rangers,  58 ;  Mohawks  secured  by 
the  English,  59  j  soniC  sent  to  se- 
cure the  Eastern  Indians,  60,  635 
war  'ieclured  against,  61,  82  ;  some 
killed  near  George's  Fort,  83;  bar- 
barously murdered,  84 ;  conference 
at  Albany,  84;  surprise  Saratoga, 
86  j  signal  repulse  at  Number  four, 
105;  attempt  Rochester,  iioj 
council  at  Albany,  113,  114;  sur- 
prise men  at  Saratoga,  127,  131  { 
at  Sheepscott,  132;  attempts  to 
Christianize  the  Stockbridges,  160; 
great  assembly  at  Albany,  170} 
some  at  New  York,  173  ;  condition 
at  the  close  of  the  war,  175  ;  a  dele- 
gation at  Boston,  175,  176;  treaty 
at  Falnr.'iuth,  176;  annoyance  at 
Louisbourg  218,219;  at  Fort  Mas- 
sachusetts, 255  ;  enter  it,  260;  carry 
their  prisoners  on  their  backs,  263  ; 
and  other  ways,  265. 

Ingersole,  Ensign,  246. 

Irish,  Stephen,  surprised,  103. 


JACKSON,  William,  Capt.,  236. 
Jebudta.     See  Chebucto. 
Jedoure,  murders  there,  61. 

Jenkins, ,  Capt.,  207  ;  Philips,  236. 

Jennens,  Paul,  147. 

Jennings, ,  killed,  166. 

Job,   Col.   (Indian),  dies  in  prison,  83; 

his  wife,  84;  son-in-law,  100. 
Johnson,  Joel,  captured,   163;   William, 

26;  Colonel,  138  ;   Mrs.,  narrative 

of,  174. 
Johnson,  Lieut.,  exploit  of,  131. 
Jonea,  Thomas,  taken,  95  ;  Captain,  66, 

67  J  dies,  282. 
Jonquiere,  Jaques,   P.   de   T.,  40,    154, 

180, 
Jordan,   Henry,   wounded,    236;    John, 

d.es,  288. 
Jose,  Francis,  a  p'lot,  236. 
Julien, ,  31.  ::^^4.:. 


,.  sjj^HWJpBSv***?'  J 


Index. 


307 


KAKECOUTE  [Schaghticoke'l,  39. 
Keene.      See  Uppf.«  Ashuelof. 
Kellogg,  Martin,  Captain,  161. 
Kelton,  Jonathan,  armourer,  236. 
Kenny,  Nathan,  wounded,  237. 
Kilpattick,T.,  Lieut.,  151  ;  John,  killed, 

ihidem. 
Kincaid,  James,  killed,  158. 
Kinderhook,  attacked,  98,  14a,  163. 
King  Philip's  war,  dogs  used  in,  132. 
Kinlade,  James,  a  prisoner,  84, 
Kinsey,  John,  85. 
Kinslaw,  John,  Captain,  237. 
Kintigo,  a  Mohawk,  exploit  of,  147. 
Kiskakon  Indians  join  the  French,  41. 
Kneeland,  Abner,  Rev.,  174. 
Knight,  William,  captured,  142. 
Knowles,  Charles,  Com.,  141,  142,  184, 

275. 
Knowlton,  Joseph,  120;  Thomas,  killed, 

n8,  258. 
Konkapot,  Ensign,  killed,  146. 

LACORNE,  M.St.  Luc,  262. 
Lahontan,  Baron,  cited,  188. 
Lake,  Benjamin,  captured,  159. 

Lake  George,  its  Indian  name,  267. 

Lake   of  the  Two   Mountains,    33,    37, 
180. 

Lake  Sacrament,  36. 

Lambert,  William,  prisoner,  28. 

Langdon,  Capt,,  men  surprised,  131. 

Laplante,  Sieur,  wounded,  140. 

Larman,  John,  captured,    143,  291. 

Lawrence,  Charles,  General,   201  ;  Tho- 
mas, 85  ;  ,  captured,  168. 

Leatherland,  Jacob,  a  soldier,  237. 

Le  Heve,  surprise  there,  76. 

Leke,  Thomas,  Captain,  271. 

Lescarbot,  names  an  island,  75. 

Lewis,  Thomas,  complaint  against,  237, 
248. 

Lion,  Aaron,  killed,  100. 

Littletield, ,  274. 

Livingston,  William,  17,  66,  142. 

Long  Creek,  man  killed  at,  103. 

Longueil,  Chevalier,  153. 

Loring,  Matthew,  capture  and  death,  148, 
293. 

Lothrop,  Simon,  Col.,  69. 

Loudon,  Lord,  25. 

Louis  XV,  declares  war,  47.  ..  ;!;<.;;;. 


Louisbourg,  expedition,    17;  origin,   23; 

taken,   67  ;  details  of  the  capture, 

71,    72,    107;    strength .(^of,    190; 

siege  of,  187-224, 
Loutre,  M.  Le,  at  Annapolis,  55. 
Lovet,  Samuel,  a  captive,  119}  dies,  287. 
Lovett,  Joseph  Woodward,  229,  237. 
Lo  veil,  Abner,  wounded,  145. 
Lower  Ashuelot,  affairs  of,  96,  115. 
Lufkin,  John,  killed,  116. 
Lunenburg,  garrison  taken,  165-7. 
Lydius,  John  Henry,  87,  180. 
Lydle,    Leonard,  captive,    90  j    married, 

283. 

McCARTEES,  Susanna,  dies,  289. 
McCoy,  Mrs.,  captivated,  149. 
McFaden,  James,  a  soldier,  238. 
McFarlane,  John,  wounded,   127.  178} 

Walter,  a  captive,  returned,  177. 
McForney,  Samuel,  taken,  158. 
McGraw,  Christopher,  a  captive,  178, 
McKenney,  Daniel,  wounded,  1645  wife 

killed,  93,  94. 
McNeer,  John,  captured,  132,  283. 
Mc^uade,  James,  killed,  88. 
Magawambee,  a  Norridgewok,  176. 
Magra,  Thomas,  dies  in  captivity,  288. 
Mai8onForte,de  la,  taken,  209,  211,  212. 
Mann,    Daniel,    killed,     162;    Robert, 

Capt.,  72. 

March, ,  Mr.,  taken,  143  j  John,  238 

Marechite,  Indian  tribe,  55. 
Marcy,  Joseph,  killed,  100. 
Mariens,  John,  killed,  170. 
Marin,  Mons.,  defeated,  67,  76,  86. 
Marsh,  Jacob,  chirurgeon,  237. 
Martin,  Samuel,  died  in  captivity,  291. 
Mascareenc,  Paul,  Colonel,   55,  57. 
Massachu8ei,:8,    population   of,    34,    35; 

Shirley's  services  to,  74,  84;   out  of 

New  England,  257. 
Materials  for  history,  8-14. 
Mather,  Cotton,  cited,  13,  33  ;  Increase, 

248. 
Maurepas,  Count,  33,  76. 

Mayberry, ,  Mr.,  150. 

Mayhcw,  Benjamin,  145,  146. 
Mejagouche  Bay,  location,  43. 
Melvin,    Eleazar,    Cap'.,    103 ;    relieves 

Shattuck's   Fort,    13/,  i;:rpri8e  and 

fight,  161. 


w  ijini«,if|i|iii  1 1. 


308 


Index. 


't 


Mihilt,  John,  wounded,  97. 

Mickmacks,  attack  Annapolis,  ;;;  sur- 
prise and  kill  Capt.  D(;iiuhew  and 
his  men,  76  \  surprise  Capt.  Rouse, 
1 1  a. 

Mills,  John,  killed,  148. 

Minas,  location  of',  67,  76. 

Missiquecks,  number  uf,  ^4,  38  ;  join  the 
French,  41. 

Mitchell,  Ebenezer,  killed,  164. 

Moffet,  Robert,  attacked,  96. 

Mohawks,  held  in  dread,  ^8  ;  some  go 
against  Crown  Point,  114:  and 
Canada,  135,  138;  captives,  178. 

Mohegans,  sickness  among,  131 

Mole,  Adam,  exchanged,  178 

Monckton,  Robert,  Colonel,  25,  242. 

Monteson,  M.  C.  de,  exploit,  112. 

Moore,  Samuel,  Col.,  at  Loiiisbourg,  69. 

Morell, ,  Miss,  killed,  160. 

Morepang,  Capt.,  defeated,  214. 

Morris,  Col.,  killed,  83. 

Morrison,  David,  captivated,  114;  Hugh, 
104. 

Morse,  Jedediah,  cited,  282. 

Moulton,  Jeremiah,  councilor,  195. 

Mount  Swag,  people  killed,  149, 

Moxas,  Lieut.  Governor  [Col.  Morris  ?J, 

83- 
Murray,  Jamet,  General,  25. 


NAKLOONOS,aNorri<{gewokchief, 
176. 
■' ;.     Nason,     William,     capture    and 
death,  136,  293. 

Nasqumbuit,  a  Norridgewok  chief,  276. 

Nermon,  a  Penobscot  chief,   176. 

Negroes,  captured,  87 ;  killed,  95,  96, 
98. 

Nelson,  Temple,  246 ;  John,  ibidem. 

Nevers,  Elisha,  a  soldier,  229,   238. 

Newcastle,  Duke  of,  19,  65,  81. 

New  England,  deplorably  situated,  49 ; 
population,  35  j  losses  and  wrongs, 
70. 

New  England  H.  and  G.  Register,  25, 
279. 

New  Hampshire,  services,  28 ;  popula- 
tion, 35;  in  the  Louisbourg  expedi- 
tion, 695   French  prisoners   in,   72. 

New  Hopkinton,  surprised,  92. 


New  Meadows  Neck,  one    killed   there, 

144. 
New  York,  offers  reward  for  scalps,  87. 
Nichewag,  location  of?  157. 
Nicolson,  Joshua,  a  captive,  179,  180. 
Nidlumbouit,  a  Penobscot  chief,  176. 
Nims,  Elish.-*,  killed,  104. 
Nipissings,  36;  return  with  scalps,  37-9, 

41,89;  location  of,    180. 
Niverville,  Chev.  de,  36,  89,  91. 
Noble,  Arthur,  surprised  and  killed,  136; 

James,  Capt.,  disgraced,  238. 
Norman's  kill,  people  slain,  99. 
Norridgewoks,  treaty  with,  176. 
Norris,  Isaac,  commissioner,  85. 
Northampton,  man  killed,  150. 
Norwood,  William,  dies  in  captivity,  294. 
Northfield,    depredations    at,    116,    137, 

«43»  i7»- 
North   Varmouth,  depredations  at,   116, 

Norton,  John,  marries  two  captives,  90, 
28  3  ;  chaplain  at  Fort  Massachu- 
setts, n8;  letter  of,  120;  his  Re- 
deemed   Captive,    251  ;    notice    of, 

*5>-3-  .   . 
Norwood,  William,  son  killed,  98 ;  dies, 

113. 

Notre  Dame,  Te  Deum  at,  57. 

Nottingham,  men  killed  at,  149. 

Nova  Scotia,  its  importance,  5,  8,20; 
key  to  New  England,  51  ;  set  off 
from  Cape  Breton,  188. 

Number  Four,  attacked,  94  \  men  killed, 
100;  in  distress,  loi  ;  again  at- 
tacked, 105,  1 14  J  exposed,  1 17; 
brave  defense  of,  140-2;  men  sur- 
prised, 115. 

OBINACKS,  number  of,  34. 
Oequarme  Fort   [Number  Four], 

«S4. 

Oglethorp,  James,  General,  47. 
Old  Indian  Chronicle,  48,    53. 
Old  Tenor,  value  of,  62,  88. 
Ondcriquegon,  drowned  land,  267. 
Onondagos,  former  name  of,  8a. 
Ontario,  Cadaraqui,  65. 
Orange.     See  Albany. 
Osgood,  Benjamin,  captured,  163. 

O'SuUivan, ,  Dr.,  275,  276. 

Oswego,  fort  built  at,  52,  53. 


.ssm 


Index. 


309 


Otis,  James,  at  Indian  treaty,  176. 
Ottowas,  join  the  French,  41,  8x. 
Outassago,  leads  against  Saratoga,  36. 
Owen,  James,  killed,  76,  113. 

PADENUQUE,  James,  Indian,  4a. 
Paine,  Capt.,  at  Number  Four,  100. 
Pais, ,  Mr.,  179. 

Palatine,  a  German  settlement,  98. 

Paper  money,  value,  etc.,  17,  62,  88. 

Paquage,  location  of,  117. 

Parker,  David,  wounded,  105  ;  Isaac, 
captured,  91. 

Parsons,  Usher,  cited,  191. 

Particular  History,  of  recent  origin,  6,  7. 

Peace,  proclaimed  in  Boston,  174. 

Pelham  Fort,  location,   153. 

Pemaquid,  depredations  at,  127,  144, 
150. 

Penhallow,  Samuel,  cited,  240,  274. 

Penobscots,  treaty  with,  176. 

Pepperrell,  William,  Gen.,  63;  Lieut. - 
General,  69  ;  at  Boston,  108  ;  coun- 
cilor, 195;  at  Canso,  198  ;  besieges 
and  takes  Louisbourg,  187-224. 

Pereez,  a  Norridgewok  chief,  176. 

Perkins,  Moses,  captured,  163. 

Perrin,  Peter,  killed,  100. 

Perry,  John,  a  captive,  119,  262,263, 
-•,77;   Rebecca,  dies,  285. 

Peters,  Obediah,  killed,  116. 

Petipas,  Bartholomew,  a  prisoner,  43. 

Pett,  Jacob,  killed,  145. 

Petty,  Joseph,  killed,  162. 

Philbrook,  Job,  taken,  158. 

Philip  Fifth,  war  with,  47. 

Philips,  John,  a  captive,  178. 

Philip,  King,  his  war,  132,  246. 

Philipson,  Philip,  a  captive,    179. 

Phillips,  Ebenezer,  killed,  114;  John, 
280,  281. 

Phips, Spencer,  Gov.,  83, 176;  William, 
killed,  77,  78. 

Pierce,  James,  238;  Samuel,  wounded, 
100. 

Pike,  Thomas,  Lieut.,  238. 

Pines,  Thomas,  a  soldier,  238,  239. 

Pinkham,  Zephaniah,  a  prisoner,  280, 
281. 

Piper,  Henry,  a  captive,  179,  i8o. 

Piquet,  Francis,  a  priest,  87. 

Pitcher,  Reuben,  captured,  81.  <: 


Pitman,  John,  dies  in  captiTity,  193. 

Pitt,  William,  secretary,  50. 

Pixley,  Noah,  killed,  i  59. 

Place,  John,  wounds  an  Indian,  147. 

Platter,  Lawrence,  dies,  282. 

Poependal,  bloody  fight  near,  169. 

Point  de  Cheveux  (Frederic),  36. 

Point  Shirley,  named,  25. 

Poquoig,  location  of,  157. 

Port  St.  Peter,  location  of,  43. 

Portois,  Joseph,  279. 

Pote,  William,   Capt.,   a   prisoner,   279, 

280. 
Potter,  Chandler  E.,  cited,  23,  95,   149. 
Poutewatamies,  join  the  French,  41. 
Powers,  Ephraim,  ca;       "d,  168. 
Pownal,  Thomas,  <  ,)ortrait,  24. 

Pratt,  Amos,  a  capti        119;  dies   288. 
Preble,  Jedediah,  Capt.,  1735  Zebuion, 

239. 
Price,  Ebenezer,  cited,  96. 
Price,  Roger,  commissary,  30. 
Priest,  Eleazer,  taken,  155.  '  ■ 

Prince  Edward's  Island,  75. 
Prince,  Thomas,  portrait,  79;   history  of 

the  Louisbourg  expedition,  187-206. 
Prindle,    William,   a   captive,    •/(> ;  dies', 

113,294. 

Proftor, ,  Lieut.,  83,  114,  142. 

Prout,  Ebenezer,  commissary,  238.        ''. 
Puans,  join  the  French,  41. 
Putnam,  Seth,  killed,  94,  loo. 
Pynchon,  Charles,  physician,  239. 


Q 


UACKENBUS,   Rachel,  a  captive,      > 

179;   Martha,  dies  in  captivity, 

285  ;  Jacob  and  Isaac,  die,  293. 


RAMBAULT,    Sieur    G.,     36,    89; 
taken,  i  52,  153. 
Ramezay,  M.  de,  defeats  Colonel 
Noble,  136,  287,  288. 
Rawson,  Joseph,   killed,    115  j   Edward, 

"6, 
Ray,  Patrick,  wounded,  109,  '' 
Raymond,  Count  de,  44. 
Raymond,  Benjamin,  229,  239.     ■    •    -' ' 
Read,  Jacob,  captured,  89;  Josiah,  dies, 
118,    263,    264,    280 j    dies,    281; 
John,  dies,  283. 
Rebellion,  southern,  17. 
Reddington,  Nathaniel,  a  soldier,  239. 


iiL#f.5MffllliliJWJ*ililiii 


310 


Index. 


f  ■>■'> 


Retaliation,  discussed,  133. 

Rhode  Island,  men  furnished,  28  ;  popu- 
lation of,  35  j  in  tiie  Louisbourg  ex- 
pedition, 69 ;  other  services,  84., 
198. 

Rice,  Ralph,  wounded,  164. 

Richards,  John,  a  captive,  11 1. 

Richardson,  Joseph,  killed,  11 1,  163, 

Rice,  Hannah,  a  captive,  276. 

Robbins,  Williams,  killed,  109. 

Roberts,  Alexander,  captured,  ii6j  Ro- 
bert David,  dies,  293. 

Rochester,    depredations    at,    146,    147, 

'59- 
Rogers,  Robert, Maj.,  92  ;   William,  243. 

Rose,  Joseph,  killed,  168. 

Rouse,    John,    Capt.,  expedition    to  St. 

John,    ii2j   at  the  capture  of  the 

Vigilant,  210;  at  Louisbourg,  182; 

biography  of,  840-3  \  on  the  name, 

295. 
Rugg,  David,  killed,  86. 
Ruggles,  John,  Captain,  230,  243. 


SABREVOIS,  de.  Captain,  I2f. 
Saccarappe,  depredation  at,  142. 
Saco,  men  killed  there,  43. 
Sadler,  John,  escapes,  126. 
Saint  Blein,  Sieur,  37,  40. 
Saint  Francis  Jndians,  34;  a  chief  killed, 

ass- 
Saint  John  Indians,  war  declared  against, 

61,  64,  82. 

Saint  John's  Island,  now  Prince  Edward's, 
75;  English  surprised  there,  113. 

Saint  Luc,  M.  de,  expedition  of,  142. 

Saint  Pierre,  sent  against  the  English,  35. 

Samuel,  Capt.,  killed,  83. 

Saquish,  a  chief  of  Waweenocks,  176. 

Sarratoga  [Saratoga],  depredations  suf- 
fered, 36,  40,  98,  127,  13J.  '4». 
147;   River,  266,  274. 

Sartle,  Jonathan,  taken,  153;  OLediah, 
taken,  loi;   killed,  174. 

Saunders,  Thomas,  Capt.,  80,  135,  176. 

Sauteurs,  join  the  French,  41. 

Saut  St.  Louis,  36,  38,  no. 

Saumarez,    Philip,   served    with    Anson, 

'54- 
Savage,  Arthur,  of  Femaquid,  104. 
Sawwaramet,  a  Waweenock  chief,  176. 


Scalps,   reward   for,    62,   87,    134,    135; 

brought  to  Boston,  128. 
Scarborough,  enemy  there,  142. 
Sthaghticooke,  location  of,  39. 
Schavolani,  George,  a  captive,  292. 
Sehenedady,  men  killed,    169. 
Schuyler,  John,  Col.,  98  ;   Captain,   127, 

142. 
Scofield,  Philip,  a  captive,  no,  131,287; 

dies,  288. 
Sconce,  Andrew,  dies  in  prison,  283. 
Scooduck,  men  killed  at,  127. 
Scott,    Eli,    killed,    164;    Joseph,   119; 

Miriam,   266;    dies,   285;    Moses, 

261,    262;  Moses,  Jr.,    dies,  287; 

Stephen,    119,    181  ;   William,  no, 

287. 
Sedgwick,  Theodore,  Jr.,  17. 
Sf.mblin,  Sieur,  152. 
Sergeant,  John,  Rev.,  59 ;   recommends 

retaliation,  loi  ;  Lieut. ,  killed, 

156. 
Severance,  Samuel,  killed,  162. 
Shattuck's  Fort,  enemy  appear  at,  116; 

attempt  to  burn,   136;  abandoned, 

137- 

Sheepscott,  people  killed,  84,  85,  loi, 
106,  132 

Sheldon,  Eliakim,  wounded,  184. 

Shepard,  Jacob,  a  captive,  119,  280; 
dies,  293. 

Shirley,  William,  notice  of,  i  5  ;  eminent 
services,  16;  birth,  etc.,  18;  stupid 
charges  against,  ibidem ;  preserves 
Annapolis,  19;  causes  forts  to  be 
built  on  the  Kennebec,  20;  mar- 
riage, ibidem  i  appointed  Major-Ge- 
neral,  21  ;  his  conduft  triumphantly 
vindicated,  ibidem  j  residence,  25; 
remains  in  King's  Chapel,  25  ;  his 
successors  fortunate,  26  j  Johnson's 
perfidy  to,  26 ;  misrepresented,  28  ; 
time  of  his  arrival  at  Boston,  29 ; 
parentage,  ibidem;  his  son  killed, 
ibidem  i  portrait  accompa.iying  this 
volume,  30;  early  foresaw  the  war, 
47;  saves  Annapolis,  55;  declares 
war  against  the  Eastern  Indians,  61 ; 
plans  the  Louisbourg  expedition,  67 ; 
speech  on  reimbursement  of  New 
England,  73 ;  proceeds  to  Louis- 
bourg, 80,  81  ;  his  anxiety  for  the 


Wli 


Index, 


311 


Shirley,  William  (continued)  — 

frontiers,  loi  ;  recommends  sending 
commissioners  to  Albany,  11  jj  on 
the  capture  of  Fort  Massachusetts, 
1135  recommends  swivel  guns,  118; 
message  respecting  the  Mokawks, 
135;  writes  the  other  governors 
about  treating  with  the  Eastern 
Indians,  175;  speeches,  181,  186  j 
dedication  to,  187;  a  principal 
former  and  promoter  of  the  Louis- 
bourg  expedition,  ibidem  ^  letter  to 
the  Duke  of  Newcastle,  213-26; 
careful  that  New  England  have  full 
credit  for  the  acquisition,  224. 

Shuttleworth,  Vincent,  wounded,  243. 

Simmons,  John,  attacked,  117. 

Simonds,  Benjamin,  a  captive,  119. 

Simpson,  Elizabeth,  killed,  149. 

Six  Nations,  some  at  Albany,  53,  63,84, 
170. 

Skillin, ,  103. 

Sluyck,  Tunis,  buildings  burnt,  98. 

Smeed,  Captivity,  baptised,  264 ;  dies, 
291 ;  Daniel,  260:  dies,  290;  John, 
119;  killed,  153,  261;  Mary,  dies, 
288. 

Smith,  John,  a  captive,  1 10,  287  ;  killed, 
145,  146;  Richard,  no,  287. 

Smith,  Thomas,  cited,  290. 

Smithurst,  Capt.,  lost  at  sea,  206. 

Soosephinia,  a  Norridgewok  chief,  176. 

South  Fort,  148. 

Southerland,  James,  a  prisoner,  279. 

SpafFord,  John,  a  prisoner,  91. 

Spier;  David,  death  of,  243. 

Sprong,  Cornelius,  a  captive,  178. 

Stacy,  Samuel,  dies  in  captivity,  293. 

Stanhope,  Jonathan,  wounded,  105. 

Stanley,  Nathaniel,  commissioner,  85. 

Stansbury,  Elisha,  a  captive,  178. 

Stanwood,  Job,  wounded,  243,  244. 

Starkee, ,  killed,  144. 

Stevens,  Arent,  commissioner,  85  ; 
Charles,  killed,  155;  Enos,  captured, 
174;  Henry,  163;  Phinehas,  95; 
brave  defence  of  Number  Four,  loo, 
105,  140-2,  168. 

Stickney,  William,  captured,  116. 

Stiles,  Ezra,  cited,  232. 

Stockbridge  Indians,   59,  160,  i6i. 

Stoddard,  John,  Col.,  63,  84,  132,  134. 


Stoddert,  H.,  Lieutenant,  178-80. 
Stone  Arabia,  depredation  at,  98. 

Storer, ,  Mrs.,  captive,  276,  277. 

Strong,  Elisha,  a  soldier,  244. 
Stuart,  Edward,  the  Pretender,  272,275. 
Stubs,  Richard,  a  captive,  127,  281. 
Suitzer,  Jacob,  a  captive,  179,  180. 
Sullivan,  James,  cited,  99,  290. 
Suncook,  depredation  at,  158. 
Sunderland,  John,  a  captive,  no,  287. 
Swanzey,  Lower  Ashuelot,  96. 
Swett,  Joseph,  shot,  104. 

TAINTOR,  Benjamin,  captured,  104, 
no,  287. 
Tarrant,  Alexander,  a  soldier,  144. 

Tatness,  Samuel,  a  soldier,  244. 

Taylor,  Isaac,  killed,  142;  Thomas,  cap- 
tured, 168;  General  Zachery,  113, 

Tedder,  Christian,  dies,  97;  dies,  291. 

Temple,  Robert,  marriage,  30. 

Terry,  John,  Captain,  244. 

Thanksgiving,  for  the  capture  of  Louis- 
bourg,  187. 

Theganacoeiessin,  Iroquois  chief,  36. 

Thesaotin,  leads  a  war  party,  37,  95. 

Thomas,  William,  surgeon,  244. 

Thompson,  John,  a  captive,  178. 

Tol,  Daniel,  killed,  169,   170. 

Tomonwilemon,  a  depredator,  28. 

Topsham,  depredation  at,  80,  144.        -    • 

Toulouse,  Port  (Port  St.  Peter),  43. 

Tourmell,  M.  De,  Admiral,  271. 

Townsend,  Isaac,  Admiral,  230. 

Toxus,  a  Norridgewok  chief,  176. 

Traux,  Isaac,  missing,  170. 

Trayne,  Joshua,  a  soldier,  244,  245. 

Treaty,  of  Breda,  51  ;  of  Utrecht,  189J 
with  the  Eastern  Indians,  176,  177. 

Trent,  Capt.,  fight  at  Sarratoga,  14,2. 

Trevanion,  John,  250.  :;"};       . 

Truth  will  prevail,  26.  ' '; 

Turner,  Abner,  Captain,  245. 

Twichel,  Daniel,  a  soldier,  245. 

Tyng,  Edward,  Capt.,  relieves  Annapolis, 
56-8;  attends  the  Governor,  81; 
letter  of,  209-11  ;  appointed  com- 
modore,  241  ;  notice  of,  245,  246. 

UPPER   ASHUELOT,  depredationt, 
93.  94,  99.  '67. 
Utrecht,  treaty  of,   189. 


•'■■iti 


i^mmw^: 


irn'^T'if'' 


312 


Index. 


VANALSTINE,      John,      buildings 
burnt,  14a. 
Van  Antwerp,  Dsniel,  killed,  170. 

Vander  Bogert,  Francis,  killed,  170. 

Vanderverick's,  164  ;  Gratis,  dies  in  pri- 
son, 284. 

Van  Schaick,  Anthony,  Capt.,  178. 

Van  Slyk,  Adrian,  killed,  170. 

Van  Vorst,  Dirk,  wounded,  169. 

Vans,  Hugh,  merchant,  232, 

Varen,  Edward,  a  c;:ptive,  178. 

Vaudreuil,  M.  de  Rigaud  de,  40;  invests 
Fort  Massachusetts,  117;  captures 
it,  118,  258;  his  loi^ses,  119  ;  Town 
Major,  121;  wounded,  122;  pa- 
ternity, 254 ;  kind  to  captives,  264. 

Vaughan,  Samuel,  dies,  113,  289;  Wil- 
liam, 22~4,  202;  exploits.  215, 
216,  246,  247. 

Vedder,  Alberc  John,  captured,  170;  ex- 
changed, 178. 

Verazani,  John  de,  discoveries  of,  188. 

Vernon,  Edward,  Admiral,  195. 

Vielen,  Cornelius,  Jr.,  killed,  170. 

Vigilant,  frigate,  captured,  209. 

Villers,  George,  a  soldier,  247. 

Volmer,  Christian,  a  captive,  179,  1 80; 
J.,  a  captive, /^/</f«i ;  Thomas,  179. 

Vort,  Simon,  a  captive,  179. 

Vosborough,  Peter,  a  captive,  178. 

Vosburgh,  Peter,  buildings  burnt,  98. 

Vose,  John,  killed,  151. 

Vroman,  John,  a  captive,  170,  178; 
Peter,  killed,  170. 

WALDO,    Samuel,    General,    69; 
councillor,  195,  229. 
Walker,  Nathan,  wounded,  164; 

William,    239,    248;    , 

captured,  168. 
Wallingford,  Ezekiel,  killed,  117. 
Walter,  Nathaniel,  translator,  248. 
Ward,  Edward,  Jr.,  237,  248. 
Wareedeon,  a  Weweenock  chief,  176. 
Warren,  David,  a  captive,  119,  280. 
Warren,  Peter,  Commodore,  68,  70,  71, 
184,  186;   before  Louisbourg,  aoo  : 
captures  the  Vigilant,  209  j  services 
acknowledged,  214. 


Washington,  George,   21. 

Wawawnunk,  a  Wewenock  chief,  176. 

Wear's  garrison,  alarmed,  116. 

Webb,  Ezekiel,  killed,  145. 

Weiser,  Conradt,  interpreter,  85. 

Wells,  alarmed,  144. 

Wells,  Ezekiel",  wounded,  171  ;  Joshua, 
killed,  156;  Samuel,  84. 

Wemp,  Ryer,  captured,  170. 

Wendell,  Jacob,  at  Albany,  63,  84. 

Weritwortn,  Benning,  Gov.,  23  ;  coope- 
rates with  Shirley,  182. 

Wentworth,  John,  killed,  rii. 

West  River,  fight  there,  162. 

Weston,  Josiah,  supposed  killed,  145, 
146. 

Weweenocks,  treaty  with,  176. 

Whitmore,  Edward,  General,  20X. 

Whitefield,  George,  13. 

Whitney, ,  wounded,  168. 

Wild  Rice  Indians,  41. 

Wileman,  Tom,  depredator,  98. 

Willard,  Josiah,  95,  iii,  11  a,  152-4. 

William  Third,  King,  his  war,  13. 

Williams,  Eunice,  86}  Elijah,  146; 
Ephraim,  171  ;  Israel,  176;  Robert, 
Capt.,  dies,  292  ;  William,  123, 146. 

Williamson,  Jonathan,  captured,  84,  99, 
290;   William  D.,  cited,  82,  99. 

Willis,  William,  cited,  114,  279. 

Winchell,  Jedidiah,  killed,  105. 

Winchester,   depredations   at,    115,  1 17,. 

H3- 

Winslow,  John,  General,  294. 

Wiscasset,  people  killed,  149. 

Wolfe,  James,  General,  201. 

Wolcott,  Roger,  commissioner,  85;  Ge- 
neral, 195  ;  family  of,  ibidem. 

Woodward,  William  Elliot,  30. 

Woodwell,  David,  a  captive,  92  j  Mary, 
ibidem  ;  dies,  28  5 . 

Woolen,  Presbury,  captured,  158. 

Wright,  Amasa,  wounded,  115;  Benja- 
min, killed.  116;  Moses,  wounded, 
112. 

Wyman,  Matthew,  a  captive,  163. 

Wynne,  Huddlestone,  cited,  173. 


